Nawab Mohsin-ul-Malik and the Birth of All India Muslim League

Syed Iqbal Pervaiz

We find references to the formation and early history of the Muslim League in many books. The Indian Nationalist writers have generally associated its origin with the British official claiming that the successful outcome of the Simla Deputation prompted the Muslims to launch their political association. Some of them even argue that the principals of Aligarh College guided the Aligarh leadership in their political pursuits. The Pakistani writers rule out any such suggestion. From Consultation to Conformation by Matiur Rehman is a recent study of the subject. In this book the author examines the early history of the Muslim League in detail and has ably proved that the political exigencies motivated the Muslims to knit themselves together into a single entity. But in this attempt he proves Nawab Salim Ullah Khan of Dacca (a man from his own region) to be the founder of the Muslim League. Here, Rehman seems to have lost some objectivity and has given way to a few misunderstandings, particularly regarding the role played by the Agha Khan at the birth of the Muslim League.

The present article is an endeavour to re-examine to genesis of the Muslim League in the context of the role of Nawab Mohsin-ul-Mulk. The study helps in determining that it was Mohsin ul-Mulk who founded the Muslim League rather than any one else, and in doing so, he was neither influenced by the principals of Aligarh College nor dictated by the British officials. The study shows that the emergence of the Muslim League was not a sudden phenomenon but was a logical culmination of the considerate thinking and efforts of the Aligarh leaders which they had started in 1900.

The present study has been undertaken with the help of the private papers of Elgin, Curzon, Minto (Viceroys of India), Morley (Secretary of State for India), Dunlo Smith (Private Secretary to Minto), and Harcourt Butler (Deputy Commissioner of Lucknow at the birth of Muslm League and later the Lt. Governor of the United Provinces). A careful analysis of Minto-Morley and Butler papers further reveals that the British were not favourably disposed towards the perception of a separate Muslim political body. A reexamination of the Butler papers shows clearly that it was Mohsin ul-Mulk who awakened the Muslims to the necessity of founding a political association of their own. Rehman seems to have suppressed this information has he has not reproduced those parts of Butler’s letter addressed to Lovat Frazer which highlighted the role of Mohsin ul-Mulk. The files of contemporary newspapers, such as The Aligarh Institute Gazatte and The Pioneer of the United Provinces and the Civil and Military Gazatte and other newspapers help to assume that the Aligarh leadership and embarked upon setting up their political association since the introduction of Nagri Resolution in the United Provinces. Mohsin ul-Mulk who headed the Aligarh leadership was waiting for the right opportunity, and once it came he did not budge at all. The letter from the Action Front published in the Pioneer of 2 January 1911 shows that it was Mohsin ul-Mulk who not only masterminded of formation of the Muslim League but he had also in his mind the name of the future political body of the Muslim well before its adoption on 30 December 1906. A letter from Mohsin ul-Mulk to the Agha Khan, reproduced in Tazakira-i-Mohsin, also helps in rejecting Rehman’s thesis that Agha Khan tried to sabotage the efforts of Nawab Salim Ullah Khan to found political association by floating the idea of converting the Simla deputationists into a permanent political body. The present author has also utilized in his research the letter exchanged between Mohsin-ul-Mulk and other leaders of Aligar Movement. They throw fresh light on the present subject and help in clarifying certain misgivings.

The journey towards setting up of a separate political association began with the introduction of Nagri Resolution in the North West Provinces and Oudh on 18 April 1900. It made compulsory for everyone to learn Hindi written in Nagri script for admission to Government service. This alarmed the Muslims who feared losing their cultural heritage and Government jobs. This also brought a change in the attitude of Aligarh leadership which had hitherto followed the policy of Sir Syed, that is , an active participation in politics might bring to Muslims another catastrophe like that of 1857. We see glimpses of some agitational politics led by Nawab Mohsin ul-Mulk. He addressed public meetings at Aligharh (13 May 1900) and Lucknow (18 August 1900) disregarding the displeasure of Macdonnell (Lt. Governor of the province).In these public meetings Mohsin ul-Mulk bitterly criticized the introduction of the Nagri Resolutions and held that it would harm the interests of his co-religionists. He therefore urged its immediate withdrawal by the Government. Instead of appreciating the Muslim point of view, Macdonnell attacked Mohsin ul-Mulk and linked him with pan-Islamic group in Hyderabad who held militant attitude towards the Government deriving its basis from conservative and ultra orthodox theories. He even discussed with Elgin of a possible withdrawal of the grant given to Aligarh College in case its leadership remained associated with politics. Hindus led by Medan Mohan Malwiya, also adopted hostile attitude towards the Muslims and made every effort to ensure that the Nagri Resolution was not revoked by the Government in the wake of Muslim protests.

Such a disposition of the British authorities and the uncompromising behavior of Hindus served as an eye-opener to the Muslim leadership. They started thinking along the lines of forming their own political association so that they could have a political platform to project their demands before the Government and struggle for their adequate solution.

Mohsin ul-Mulk suggested the Muslims to revive the Muhammadan Anglo-Oriental Defence Association which provided the Muslim with a platform to launch their political activities in a cautions and disciplined manner and was best suited for them under the circumstances. He did not agree to the suggestion that the Defence Association had been unsuccessful remarking that it had not been given a fair trail due to heavy engagements of its founder. This suggestion did not find favour with some of the leaders of Aligarh vis. Sheikh Abdullah and Nawab Waqar-ul-Mulk. They emphasized the need for forming a political of Aligarh College, Morison, had altogether other notions. He was not favourably disposed towards the idea of launching a political programme. In a series of articles published in the Pioneer, entitled political Action by the Muslims, Morison held that forming the separate political organization of the Muslims on the line of the Congress was ‘too ambitious a porgamme’ which might result in depriving them of some of the privileges enjoyed by them in public employment. He warned the Muslims that they ‘would encounter worse than they had suffered under rMacdonnell, if they would not abandon their political ambitions. He advised the Muslims to follow the Bengali Hindus who had taken nearly fifty years to master the weapons of political agitation before entering into politics. Suggestions of Morison came under a fair bit of criticism. Al-Bashir (a pro-Aligarian newspaper) in its issue of 1 October 1901 strongly urged the Muslims to go ahead with their programme of founding a political association with the following objects:

  1. That the Muslim should form an organization with a view to secure united action relating to social and political matters ;
  2. That it was necessary to impress upon the mind of the Muslim public the stability and the permanence of British rule in India ;
  3. That the political wants of the Muslims should be presented to the Government with respect and moderation and that an endeavour should be made to make the Government indicates its real intensions and policy towards the Muslims ;
  4. That with regard to the protection of the political interests of Muslims, they should avoid a hostile attitude towards other communities. Congress vis, representative government and competitive examination for public service (simulteneously) were injurious to both the Muslims and the British. Therefore, the Muslims should not join the Congress.

The meeting resolved to take a final decision with regard to forming the political association in its next meeting to be held at Lucknow at an appropriate time. To create general political awareness and prepare to ground for founding the organization, it asked Waqar-ul-Mulk to visit the district headquarters of the United Provinces.

Mohsin-ul-Mulk who had earlier desired to revive M.A.O. Defence Association welcomed the preliminary political meeting of the Muslims of Northern India, and expressed his hope that it would ultimately succeed in setting up a separate political organization for the Muslims of India. In Pursuance of the decision taken at the Lucknow meeting, Waqar-ul-Mulk toured various district head-quarters to induce the Muslims to hold political meetings and elect delegates who would represent their views in the proposed meeting to be held in Lucknow. One of such meetings was held at Aligarh on 26th July, 1903 in which Mohsin-ul-Mulk also participated and formally became a member of the Association, But the proposed representative meeting of the Muslim at Lucknow was never held nor a political association formed on All-India basis as has been claimed by many writers. They seem to have been confused by a meeting held at Saharanpur which was andressed by Waqar-ul-Mulk and Maulwi Nazir Hussain (a retired pleader) in which they had explained the objectives of the proposed political association. In fact, this meeting was organized on a district level like that of Aligarh, which had no national significance. This is further proved by a letter form Mohsin-ul-Mulk to Waqar-ul-Mulk written on the eve of the former’s organizing the Simla Deputation, which clearly shows that no such political association existed in Lucknow or elsewhere. It is hard say exactly why the Aligarh leadership failed to give concrete shape to Muslim political consciousness during this period. Francis Robinson had linked it to the changed attitude of the Government of the United Provinces under the successor of Macdonnell, James LaTouche, who by giving up Macdonnell’s policy with regard to the recruitment of Muslims into the Government service and the question of language, managed to alienate the Aligarh leadership from politics. The favourable circumstances might have made the Aligarh leadership less active, but not to the extent of influencing them the abandon their political ambitions altogether.

The factor that appeared to have contributed more than anything else was the lack of genuine political acuemen among the Muslims which was prerequisite for the success of the political association. Undoubtedly, there was anxiety among the Muslims about participating in politics, but it apprars to be more emotional and inconsistent. Mohsin-ul-Mulk, who had undergone this experience on the occasion of the Urdu-Hindi controversy, while endorsing the decision of the Lucknow meeting, emphasized the need for having ‘dedicated an disciplined political workers, without which he doubted the success of any political adventure, Waqar-ul-Mulk during his tours endeavored to make up this deficiency, but desite his strenuous efforst, he failed to muster the required support that would have encouraged him to call the proposed meeting at Lucknow.

Mohsin-ul-Mulk, however remained busy in educating the Muslims politically through the columns of the Aligarh Institute Gazette. As a matter of fact, provided the intellectual base for the movement by giving political orientation to the Muslims on the basis of the two-nation theory. The Aligarh Institute Gazette of 21 February 1903, made it clear that the Muslims on account of their religious unity deserved to be called a nation in its true sense. In another issue of the Gazette it was again emphasized that there was need to organize and consolidate the scattered Muslim forces into a compact body whose members should be readily available for working practically for the Muslim nation By the end of 1904, Mohsin-ul-Mulk was even demanding form the Government equal treatment for the Muslims on account of their being a separate living nation. “The British should not consider and treat the Muslims like other conquered nations because the Muslims in view in their cultural and intellectual heritage were a living nation and deserved altogether a different treatment.

During these days there was some pressure on Mohsin-ul-Mulk from some Muslims, especially, Badruddin Tayabji to change his policy towards the Congress, But Mohsin-ul-Mulk did not yield maintaining that it was detrimental to the interests of the Muslim to join the Congress. The views of Mohsin-ul-Mulk were widely appreciated in the Muslim press but the pro-congress papers like The Advocate and the Hindustani bitterly criticized Mohsin-ul-Mulk and alleged that he was promoting anti-Congress feelings among the Muslims. Mohsin-ul-Mulk ruled out such criticism, as he found it necessary to mobilize the Muslims politically, a deficiency which was decidedly evident in them.

The development that appears to have given areal fillip to the awakening of political consciousness among the Muslims was the partition of Bengal on 16 October 1906, It was executed purely on administrative grounds. As the partition envisaged to give Muslim majority in the newly created province of the East Bengal and Assam, the Hindus raised hue and cry and resorted to pressure tactics to get the partition undone. The possible loss of political and pecuniary benefits in the newly created provinces seem to have promoted the Hindus to oppose the partition. The Indian National Congress, which claimed itself a non-communal body and the spokesman of the interest of every community, disagreed the interests of the Muslims and their feelings towards the partition and openly endorsed the views of the Bengali Hindus on his issue. This naturally, led the Muslims to believe that the Congress did not like the progress and prosperity of the Muslims, and they felt isolated in the political field.

In this background, came the announcement of Morely (Secretary of the Status of State for India) on 20th July 1906 regarding the expansion of representative institutions in India. He also spoke favourably about the Indian National Congress. Mohsin-ul-Mulk who was residing at Bombay at the time at once busied himself in organizing a deputation to wait upon Lord Minto in order to place before him the Muslim point of view, so that it could be incorporated in future reforms. It was during this time that the Muslim leadership realized a serious need for establishing their political association from whose platform they would be able to wage an effective struggle for securing their rights. Consequently, concrete shape was given to these ideas in Lucknow on 16 September 1906 where the leading Muslims had assembled to finalise the address of Simla eputation. It was unanimously agreed to form their political association under the name “Muslim League. In the same meeting decision was taken to hold a special meeting of the participants at the end of the annual meetings of the Muhammadan Educational Conference scheduled at Dacca from 27 to 29 December 1906 in order to take advantage of the annual gathering of the Muslim representatives who would assemble there to part of India.

In the intervening period, Mohsin-ul-Mulk, however, wished to set up a committee consisting of the members of the Simla Deputation to continue its work uninterruptedly, as feared that provincial jealousies might jeopardize the cause of the Muslims with regard to their constitutional demands while those were still under consideration of the Arundel Committee. For this purpose, he wrote to the Aga Khan asking him to circulate a letter to the members of the Simla Deputation regarding the necessity of turning the Simla Deputationists into a committee to follow up the demands embodied in its memorial. Accordingly, Agha Khan circulated a letter on the lines proposed by Mohsin-ul-Mulk. In the meantime, on 11 November 1906, Nawab Salim Ullah Khan of Dacca, also came up with his scheme entitled ‘A Muslim Confederacy’ with the following objectives:

  1. that the sole object and purpose of the Association shall be to, whenever possible, support all measures emanating from the Government and to protect the cause and advance the interest of Muslims throughout India.
  2. To controvert the growing influence of the so-called Indian national Congress, which has a tendency to interpret and subvert British rule in Indian or which many lead to that deplorable situation ; and
  3. to enable our youngmen of education, who for want of such association have joined the congress camp, to find scope, on account of their fitness and ability, for public.


He sent its copies to the leading Muslims for seeking their opinion before the scheduled political meeting at Dacca. The proposed meeting was held on 30 December 1906. After lengthy deliberations the participants unamimously agreed to set up a political association for the Muslim under the name of All-India Muslim League’ with the following aims:

  1. to promote among the Muslims of India, feelings of loyalty to the British Government, and to remove any misconception that may arise as to the intention of the Government with regard to any of its measures,
  2. to protect and advance the political rights and interests of the Muslims of India, and to respectfully represent their needs and aspirations to the Government.
  3. to prevent the rise among the Muslims of India, of any feeling of hostility towards other communities, with prejudice to the aforementioned objects of the League.


Thus, with the formation of the Muslim League, there came an end to the efforts of the Aligarh leadership, headed by Mohsin-ul-Mulk, which they had started since the introduction of the Nagri Resolution.

Matiur-Rehman, however, tries to give all credit of forming the Muslim League to Nawab Salim Ullah Khan by suggesting that it was he ‘who convened to political meeting at Dacca, and frustrated the scheme of the Agha Khan to give the Simla Deputation a status of permanent committee as well as giving the name. But his views contradict the available evidence. There is little truth in his contention that the meeting was convened by Nawab Salim Ullah Khan. As we have seen earlier, the decision to this effect was taken at the Lucknow meeting of 16 September 1906 in which Nawab Salim Ullah did not even participate on account of bad health. Moreover, Dacca was chosen to facilitate the participation of the delegates of the Muhammedan Educational Conference in the proposed meeting and also to make it more representative as the meetings of the Educational Conferences attracted larger number of Muslms from all parts of Inida. It is worthwhile to note here that the decision to hold the annual meeting of the Educational Conference was taken by Mohsin-ul-Mulk during his visit to Dacca on 14 and 15 April 1906, mainly to give Bengali Mulsims moral support in their just cause.

As far as frustrating the scheme of the Agha Khan is concerned, it is pointed out here that Rehman has based his contention on the letter circulated by the Agha Khan totally disregarding the earlier letter of Mohsin-ul-Mulk addressed to the Agha Khan. This letter clearly indicates that the scheme had not originated with the Agha Khan but was worked out by Mohsin-ul-Mulk with the aims of following up the work of Simla Deputation, as he feared losing the advantages gained at Simla on account of provincial jealousies. As to the question of giving a name it is hard to understand, How Rehman has ascribed it to Nawab Salimullah, especially, when the latter preferred has given no authority to substantiate his argument. By contrast, as has been seen earlier, the decision to name the future political organization as Muslim League was taken in the Lucknow meeting. In fact the name of Muslim League had been in the mind of Mohsin-ul-Mulk long before its adoption in the Lucknow meeting. It is evident from the letter of “Action Front” published in the Pioneer of 2 January 1911. Tracing the growth of Muslim political awareness, he wrote that when he met Mohsin-ul-Mulk in 1903, the latter told him that because of the absence of political organization among the Muslims, their rights were not being adequately safeguarded. On this, the “Action Front”  asked why then he did not think of forming the Indian Muhammedan League. Mohsin-ul-Mulk replied, that he had in mind Indian Muslim League , remarking further that ‘he intended to travel all over India and consult the leading Muslims about the formation of such a league.’ After the formation of the Muslim League, when the “Action Front” happened to see him again, Mohsin-ul-Mulk remarked, ‘now my brethren are saved and whatever happens in Indian we shall always be able to hold our own, with the grace of God.” It also becomes evident from this letter that Mohsin-ul-Mulk had always cherished the idea of forming political association for the Muslims which he considered vital for preserving their rights. Another factor which seems to have induced Mohsin-ul-Mulk to invigorate the process of setting up of a political association was his concern that if the young generation of the Muslims were not provided with their own political party, they might join hands with the Congress. Such a development was unacceptable to Mohsin-ul-Mulk as he considered joining the Congress detrimental to the interests of the Muslim community.

For that reason he did not pay heed to any advice, argument or pressure in persuing this goal. This is evident from the following letter of Harcourt Butler.

“Like your self I was in at the birth of Muslim League. At that time Mohsin-ul-Mulk charmed the Musalmans of India to believe in the possibility of combination. He came to me at Luckhnow and told me that they could no longer hold the youngmen and they would join the Hindus if they were not given some political organisation of their own. I remember asking him then whether the leaders would be able to hold them when they had got their own political organization, as I much doubted this, having some experience of minor history at Aligarh.

He thought the danger remote. He did not pretend that he was taking sides with the British out of any feelings of loyalty. It was purely and solely in the interests of Mohammedens themselves.”

This letter also shows that the British officials had no hand in the formation of the Muslim League as they hardly anticipated the success of such an idea. This is further evident from the suggestions made by the principal of Aligarh College. At no stage they seemed to have encouraged the idea of starting a political programme. As mentioned earlier, Morison on the eve of the introduction of the Nagri Resolution had advised the Muslims to wait for another fifteen to twenty years before plunging into politics. His successor, Archbold, followed the same policy. At the time of preparing the Simla address, the suggested to Mohsin-ul-Mulk that an assurance should be given to the Viceroy that the Muslims refused to accept such a proposal remarking that there was increasing demand among the Muslims for setting up their own political organization and they would not like him to present their cause to the Government without the ability in future of forming a political association. Archbold again tried to influence the Aligarh leadership on the eve of the Dacca meeting. In his letter of 15 December 1906 addressed to Dunlop Smith. Archbold sais that he was endeavoring his best to keep politics out of Dacca meeting. It also gives an indication that even Smith was not favourably disposed towards the idea of forming an independent political organization of the Muslims. It is a measure of Mohsin-ul-Mulk’s character that in spite of all those pressure and precautions, he remained steadfast to what he thought best for his community without wavering in the slightest and finally succeeded in giving the Muslims a platform for launching a campaign for further fight back. Had Mohsin-ul-Mulk shown any indiscrimination at that critical juncture, the process of forming the Muslim political association would have been further delayed, as by the close of 1906 Mohsin-ul-Mulk had emerged as an undisputed leader of the Muslims whose opinion was widely respected in the Government circles and in the eyes of Muslim public.


  1. For instance, see Lal Bahadur, The Muslim League, Its, History, Activities and Achievements, Agra, 1954, pp. 40-41 ; M.S. Jain, The Aligarh Movement, Its origin and Development, 1858-1906, Agra 1965, p. 165 ; M. N. Das, India Under Morley and Minto, Politics behind Revolution, Repression and Reforms, London, 1964, pp. 177-78 ; Rafiq Zakaria, Rise of Muslims in Indian Politics, Bombay, 1970, p. 108 (Zakaria had also given a wrong date of setting up of Muslim League, i.e. 31 December 1906) ; Shan Muhammad, Successors’ of Sir Syed Ahmad Khan, Delhi 1981, p. 66; Dr. Peter Hardy, though does not concede the theory of the British involvement, holds that the Muslim League emerged from Simla Deputation, cf. The Muslims of British India, Cambridge, 1972, p. 169.
  2. Tufail Ahmad Manglri seems to be the first writer who argued that the principals of the Aligarh College acted like Residents posted in the Inidan States ; see Musalmanon Ka Raushan Mustaqbil, Badaun, 1946, p. 310. His views continue to be echoed even in the writings of some modern writers, for instance, see Zakaria, op. cit., pp. 321, 335; Damodar P. Singhal,  Political Separation and Emergence of Pakistan, New Jersey, 1972, p. 47.
  3. See Munir-ud-Din Chughtai, Muslim Politics in the Indo-Pakistan sub-continent, 1858-1906, unpublished Ph. D. thesis, Oxfort University, 1960, pp. 267-73 ; Dr. Syed Razi Wasti, Lord Minto and the Indian Nationalist Movement, 1905-10, London, 1964, pp. 78-83 ; Aziz Ahmad, Studies in Islamic Culture in the Indian Environment, Oxford 1966, p. 66.
  4. For details see Matiur Rehman, From consultation to confronation, A Study of the Muslim League in British Indian politics 1906-12, London, 1970, pp. 28-44 ; Francis Robinson had also uncritically accepted Rehman’s contention. See, Separatism Among Indian Muslims, the Politics of the United Provinces Muslims, 1860-1923, London 1974, pp. 147-49.
  5. See Muhammad amin Zubairi, com. Makatib, Lahore, n.d. and Mustaq Ahmad com and ed. Khutut-i-Waqar-ul-Mulk, Aligarh, n.d.
  6. For the full text of Resolution see Extract from the Proceedings of the Government of North West Provinces and Oudh (later to be United Provinces from 1902) in the general administrative department no. 585 111-3432-68, dated 18 April 1900, available in the Indian Judicial Proceedings, June-July, 1900 (available in the Indian office Library bereinfater, I.O.L.)
  7. See Hamid Ali Khan The Vernacular Controversy, place and date not mentioned, p. 28 (available in the British Library).
  8. See Theodore Beek (Principal of Aligarh College 1884-1899) to his mother, 28 April 1888, MSSEURCE 334 (C) Beek Papers, I.O.L. Beek’s private papers which were opened for researches in 1982 throw a new light on the development of Muslim politics of that period in the context of Aligarh Movement and help in rejecting the thesis that Sir Syed was influenced by Beck in his political programme. The author enjoys the privilege of being the first researcher to consult Back Papers for his Ph. D. thesis, entitled : Nawab Mohsin-ul-Mulk and Muslim, Cambrene, 1986.
  9. For the full text of Mohsin-ul-Mulk’s speeches see The Pioneer, 17 May 1900 and 23 August 1900. For the Urdu text see Fazl Din (comp. 2. Ed.), Majmua lectures wa speeches Nawab Mohsin-ul-Mulk, Lahore n.d. pp. 379-394.
  10. Macdonnell to Curzon, 31 August, 1900, Curzon Papers, F. 111 (188), I.O.L. It was merely a figment of Macdonnell’s imagination to associate Mohsin-ul-Mulk with Pan-Islamic activities as we do not find any reference to this subject during the letter’s long stay in Hyderabad.
  11. Madan Mohan Malaviya inspired the campaign for the introduction of Hindi in the provinces. He gave a lead by producting a voluminous report in 1897 under the title “Court Character and Primary Education in N.W.P. and Oudh”. In it he identified the progress of primary education with the introduction of Nagri script in the province was made. See The Pioneer, 3 March, 1898.
  12. The disillusionment of the Muslims towards the Congress was manifested during its annual meeting of 1900. In it, out of a total 567 delegated, only 56 were Muslims as compared to 311 Muslims delegates out of 739in the previous meeting held in Lucknow in 1899. See, Proceedings of the India National congress for the years 1899 and 1900.
  13. The Aligarh Institute Gazette 22, August 1901.
  14. For Shaikh abdullah’s views, see his article published in Al-Bashir, 10 September 1901. For Waqar-ul-Mulk’s views, see his letter to Mohsin-ul-Mulk, published in The Azad, 17 September, 1901.
  15. For full text of Morison’s articles see The Pioneer, 14 and 21 September, 1901.
  16. Al-Bashir, 1 October, 1901.
  17. The Tribune, 7 November 1901. Also quoted by Shan Muhammad, op.cit., pp. 44-45.
  18. Ibid.
  19. The Aligarh Institute Gazette, 14 November 1901.
  20. Ibid.
  21. See S.R. Wasti, op. cit. p. 0 ; Zakaria, op. cit., pp. 99-100 ; Syed Sharif-ud-Din Pirzada, Foundation of Pakistan : All-India Muslim League Documents, vol. I, 1906-24, Karachi, 1969, pp. xxxi, and Shan Muhammad, op. cit., pp. 46-47.
  22. For details see The Pioneer, 31 July, 1903.
  23. Mohsin-ul-Mulk to Waqar-ul-Mulk, quoted in Makatib, p. 47.
  24. F. Robinson, op. cit., pp. 140-41.
  25. The Muslim landlords rose against the Nagri Resolution like a storm but their opposition soon subsided when the provincial Government resorted to pressure tactics. A glaring example was the resignation of Nawab Lutf Ali Khan who chaired the Aligarh Public meeting of May 1901. For a detailed discussion, see the author’s Ph. D. thesis, pp. 292-93,
  26. See Mohsin-ul-Mulk to Waqar-ul-Mulk, 21 September 1901, quoted in Khutut-i-Waqar-ul-Mulk, pp. 437-38.
  27. The Aligarh Institute Gazette. 21 February 1903.
  28. Ibid., 4 July 1903.
  29. Ibid., These facts reject the suggestion made by Shan Muhammad that Mohsin-ul-Mulk treated Hindus and Muslims as one nation and whenever he used the word nation for Muslims ‘it was in the non-technical sense’. Op. cit., p. 47.
  30. See Badruddin Taybji’s presidential address, delivered in the 1903 annual meeting of the Muhammedan Educational Conference, quoted in Maulvi Anwar Ahmad Zubairi, Khutabat-i-Aliya, 3 vols., Aligarh, 1927, pp. 226-227.
  31. The Aligarh Institute Gazette, 10 October 1904.
  32. The Advocate and The Hindustani, 27 October, 1904.
  33. For details see Muhammad Amin Zubairi, Hayat-i-Mohsin, Aligarh, 1933, pp. 166-70.
  34. The Idea of portioning Bengal had remained under the consideration of the Government, of India since 1854. For details, see Z.H. Zaidi, the Political Motive in the Partition of Bengal, Journal of Pakistan Historical Society, January, 1964, pp. 114-122.
  35. See Memorandum on partition by Minto, enclosed with Minto and Morley, 5 February, 1906 Papers (12735).
  36. See Judicial and Political Proceedings, Government of India, 1906, I.O.L.
  37. For a detailed discussion see Al-Bashir, 12 September and 11 October 1905.
  38. See Parliamentary debates, House of Commons, 20 July 1906, 4th serial, vol. v, 161, col. 587-88 M.N. Das has wrongly stated that Morely delivered his speech in August 1906. Op. cit., p, 164.
  39. See Sir Muhammad Shafi’s speech delivered in the annual session of the Punjab Provincial Muslim League, held in 1909, The Civil and Military Gazette, 23 October 1909. Also quoted in Chughtai, op. cit., pp. 267-68 and Pirzada, op. cit., pp. xiii-iii.
  40. See Sir Muhammad Shafi’s speech, Also see The Oudh Akhbar, 11 October 1906 and a letter of Sahibzada Aftab Ahmad Khan to Waqar-ul-Mulk, 5 December 1906, quoted in Makatib.
  41. Arundel committee was set up by Minto on 16 August 1906 to look the matter of enlarging the legislative councils subsequent to the announcement of Morely in the House of Commons. See S.R. Wasti., op. cit., p. 133.
  42. See Tazakara-i-Mohsin, pp. 171-72.
  43. Muhammad Noman, Muslim Inida, Rise and Growth of All India Mulsim League, Allahabad, 1942, p. 73.
  44. For the full text of the scheme, see The Bengalee, 14 December 1906.
  45. Ibid.
  46. For details of the resolutions adopted in the meeting see the letter of Waqar-ul-Mulk to the Secretary, Government of India, Home department, The Proceedings of the Judicial and Political Department, Govt. of India, 1906. I.O.L. The Muslim League adopted more or less the same programme which the Muslims of northern India resolved in their meeting held in Lucknow on 21 and 22 October 1901. It contradicts the suggestion made by writers likeWasti that the scheme of Nawab Salim Ullah served as an embryo for the Mulsim League. Op. cit., p. 77 ; Rehman has himself admitted that the scheme of Salimullah was defective  (op. cit., p. 31), Rightly so, as it was too subjective, mainly because it aimed all out support for the British and uncalled for opposition to the Indian National congress.
  47. Matiur Rehman, op. cit., pp. 21-31, He seems to have been confused by a letter of the Agha Khan addressed to Dunlop Smith in which the former tried to take the credit by stating that he proposed the idea of turning the Simla Deputation into a permanent body to Mohsin-ul-Mulk .See The Agha Khan to Dr. Smith, 29 October 1906, Minto Papers (12765). This claim of the Agha Khan also been uncritically accepted by M. N. Das in order to prove that the Muslim leadership was in touch with the high-ups of the Government. See Das. Op cit., 177.
  48. Matiur Rehman, op. cit., p. 27.
  49. The Aligarh Institute Gazette, 13 June 1906.
  50. The Pioneer, 2 January 1911.
  51. Buttler to Lovat Frazer, 8 April 1913, Butler paper F 116/57 I.O.L.
  52. The Pioneeer, 14 and 21 September, 1901.
  53. Archbold to Mohsin-ul-Mulk, 18 August 1906, Minto Papers, (12765).
  54. Mohsin-ul-Mulk to Archhold. Minto Papers.
  55. Archbold to D. Smith, 15 December 1906, Minto Papers.