After the fiasco at Calcutta, Jinnah continued to work for the Muslim interests and decided to close the Muslim ranks. On 31 December, 1928 and 1 January, 1929 an All-Parties Muslim Conference was held at Delhi, under the presidentship of H.H. The Aga Khan. This was probably the most representative Muslim gathering since the Simla Deputation of 1906. Jinnah participated in it in which a long and comprehensive resolution was unanimously passed regarding the Muslim demands, which now included Jinnah’s ill-fated Delhi Proposals of March 1927 plus separate electorates. Next year, Jinnah sailed for England to attend the Round Table Conference. He was, however, extremely unhappy and sore at heart because of Congress leader’s rejection to his Delhi Proposals, and the growing communalism amongst the Muslims and the Hindus. He had suffered great disappointment at Calcutta, but he did not give up the struggle for the two objects dear to his heart-the independence of his country and safeguarding of Muslim interests. He was opposed to the appointment of "all-White" Simon Commission, but he strove hard to get the proposal of a representative Round Table Conference accepted so that Indian leaders could discuss their country’s future with British representatives across the table. In the words of Lord Irwin, Viceroy of India:

"….I have seen a great deal of Jinnah from time to time and have met very few Indians with a more acute intellect or a more independent outlook–not of course that he always sees eye to eye with government! But he is not lacking in moral courage, has been very outspoken against civil disobedience and is genuinely anxious to find the way to settlement."

One factor which enabled Jinnah to play a constructive role was the fact that he rigidly stood apart from the Civil Disobedience Movement which was launched by M. K. Gandhi on 1 January, 1930. Jinnah was a constitutionalist by temperament and training. He belonged to that group of liberals who were able to convince the British liberals like Edwin Montague of the desirability of a marked advance on the road to freedom and believed that it was not necessary to break the law and create a spirit of lawlessness in the people to achieve India’s freedom. Jinnah had nothing in common with the henchmen of the government but he was equally opposed to unlawful and unconstitutional methods. His political philosophy is beautifully summed up in the telegram which he sent on 13 January 1932 to Sir Abdullah Haroon who had sought guidance from him. The telegram reads:-

“Mussalmans (should) stand united. Urge demands [by] constitutional methods. Most unwise to join unlawful movements. Make clear we [are] not opposed [to] responsible self-government provided Muslim safeguards (are) embodied [in] constitution. Don’t play in hands [of] extremists [or] officials –Jinnah.”

Jinnah had worked hard for the calling of the Round Table Conference but he did not play a major role there. For one thing, the First Round Table Conference agreed to the inclusion of Indian princes within the framework of the Indian federation. Jinnah was opposed to this as, according to him, the association of the autocratic princes would dilute the democracy of the Indian Government.

At the Round Table Conference, Jinnah’s role was apparently a minor one, but he persisted in his dual approach of supporting India’s struggle for independence and safeguarding of Muslim interests. At the First Round Table Conference he helped in the evolution of a formula for Hindu-Muslim agreement, which was vetoed by M.R. Jayakar. At the Second Round Table Conference (in November 1931) when Hindu-Muslim negotiations broke down, Jinnah took the initiative in persuading other members of the Muslim delegation to modify their stand about dispersing of the Federal Structure Committee. In the Federal Structure Sub-Committee he indicated that the Muslim representatives would meet separately, when he urged that they should not take the responsibility for the breakdown of the Round Table Conference and should not bar discussion of other items though they should make it clear that no scheme of constitutional reforms would be acceptable to them without a satisfactory solution of Muslim demands. The Muslim leaders attached high value to Jinnah’s views and powers of intellect. It may be noted that Jinnah was not invited to the Third Round Table Conference, but the delegates requested him to attend informally their meetings and help them by his advice. Jinnah attended some such meetings duly acknowledged by Muslim delegates including their head The Aga Khan.

During this period, he was residing in England, and had opportunities of meeting the delegates from India. An important contact, which he effectively renewed during this period was with Allama Muhammad Iqbal, who had come as a delegate to the Round Table Conference. Jinnah was the principal speaker at a reception given in honour of the poet by Iqbal Literary Association and thereafter invited him to a lunch at his house. Thus began a series of meetings which were to leave a mark on the course of India’s history. Jinnah was not now a delegate to the Round Table Conference, but during the first session, which he attended, he had criticized the conception of the central federation, which other delegates had supported enthusiastically. His objections were partly from the nationalist angle – the inclusion of the autocratic princes at the centre would “water down democracy” – and partly from the Muslim point of view – a strong centre would nullify the provincial autonomy which the Muslims valued so much. Allama Iqbal, on the other hand, had, a few years before, held out his plan for a Muslim bloc in the north-west. This did not receive much consideration at the Round Table Conference, but the separation of Sind and grant of full reforms to the North-West Frontier Province were bound to pave the way for its fulfillment. This plan the great poet must have discussed with Jinnah, who was, at long last, convinced that in its amplified form lay the only hope for a contented, peaceful India in general and for the bulk of Indian Muslims in particular.

Allama Iqbal had got Jinnah seriously interested in what came to be known as the "Pakistan Scheme", but even then he did not return to India to take it up. He was biding his time, watching events, brooding on them, and all the time not so happy because of Hindus’ short sightedness and a weak Muslim camp.

Meanwhile he was getting reports from India that Indian Muslims were a flock of sheep without a shepherd. The Aga Khan’s leadership had its limitations who was not in a position to lead a popular movement. Maulana Muhammad Ali was dead. So was Sir Muhammad Shafi. The League and the Muslim Conference had become the plaything of petty leaders who would not resign office, even after a vote of no-confidence! And, of course, they had no organisation in the provinces and no influence with the masses.

It was in these circumstance that certain well-wishers of the Muslims turned towards Jinnah. They requested him to return to India, and once again lead the army which was fast becoming a rabble. Jinnah relented, but even now he would visit India only for a few months and return to England again. In 1934, however, he was elected the permanent President of the All-India Muslim League, and he finally returned to India in October 1935.

In 1935-36 Jinnah played an important, almost a dominant, role in the Central Legislative Assembly. He had been elected to the Assembly at the end of 1934 and took early steps to revive the Independent Party. Jinnah worked with the Congress-cum-Nationalist group and the Government suffered one defeat after another. The budget had to be certified by the Viceroy in 1934 as well as 1935, and the Ottawa Pact to which the Government had attached so much importance was thrown out. Sir Reginald Coupland, reviewing the developments in 1935-36 observes:-

“Never before, in fact, had the nationalist Opposition pressed the Government so hard as it did in this brief period of Hindu-Muslim co-operation.” About Jinnah’s own attitude in 1934 (and 1935) Coupland says:

"…. It was soon evident that Mr. Jinnah who had again become President of the Muslim League in 1934 was prepared to revive the entente of the Lucknow Pact period in common cause of nationalism."

This was a critical period in the national history as new reforms on the basis of Government of India Act of 1935 were to be introduced, but Muslims in the Punjab were preoccupied with the agitation regarding the Shaheed Ganj Mosque. The mosque had been demolished, after a court judgment, under the orders of Governor Emerson, but Muslims were very much agitated and a large-scale agitation was in progress. When the parties involved in the Shaheed Ganj agitation called upon him to settle the dispute, he lost no time in proceeding to Lahore. He laboured for a number of days talking and discussing the problem with the leaders of all groups and communities without being able to solve the main issue. He was, however, able to produce an atmosphere of amity and goodwill. He was able to win certain concessions for the Muslims from the Government. This followed a declaration by Jinnah in the Badshahi Mosque on behalf of all sections of the Muslim community that after consultation with the leaders it had been decided that Civil Disobedience was to be stopped. Jinnah had realized that any further progress in the Shaheed Ganj affair could be made only with the Sikh collaboration. So he constituted a Shaheed Ganj Conciliation Committee.

Jinnah worked hard for several weeks for solving the Shaheed Ganj dispute and, though the basic object of the Muslims was not gained, there was a great improvement in the atmosphere and a somewhat graceful end was brought to an agitation which was not leading anywhere, and was diverting Muslim energies from the momentous political issues confronting them. On this occasion, the Punjab Governor paid a high tribute to Jinnah. In the course of his speech he said: “I am greatly indebted to the efforts of Mr. Jinnah for this improvement and I wish to pay an unqualified tribute to the work he had done and is doing.”