Articles Regarding Pakistan
Modi’s Moscow Mission: What the Indian PM’s visit to Russia signals to the West
by: Kanwal Sibal| June 29, 2024
Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s decision to visit Russia almost immediately after beginning his third term in office sends many diplomatic signals. The core message is that India continues to attach great importance to its ties with Russia, notwithstanding the collapse of Moscow’s ties with the West over the conflict in Ukraine, New Delhi's own increasing closeness to the US, and the importance it attaches to its ties with Western Europe.
We have come under pressure from our Western partners to reduce our ties with Russia, which we have resisted. We have maintained a high-level dialogue with Russia though the practice of annual summits has got disrupted. We have refused to apply Western sanctions though these have hampered our bilateral financial transactions. On energy, we have, in fact, expanded our oil trade with Russia to the point of Russia becoming our largest oil supplier.
The unique feature of our ties with Russia had been these annual summit meetings since the year 2000. The last such summit was in December 2021 when Russian President Vladimir Putin travelled to New Delhi. The Covid pandemic and Russia’s pre-occupation with the Ukraine conflict interrupted this practice.
Putin did not attend the G20 summit meeting last year, nor did he attend the G20 summit at Bali either. He has also prevaricated on the question of his attendance at the next G20 summit in Brazil.
Some misgivings in political circles arose because of the delay in resuming the summit meetings, especially with Modi’s highly publicised interactions with President Biden and European leaders such as Macron. These gave greater visibility to our relations with the West at the top leadership level and contrasted with a reduced exposure to our ties with Russia.
Our media has also contributed to the perception of a dilution of our ties with Russia by purveying the western line on the conflict in Ukraine. Reports from western agencies have been reproduced routinely. Think tank events have heavily featured western leaders who have used the platforms to attack Russia on our soil. The Russian presence at these events has been minimal.
External Affairs Minister Jaishankar’s visit to Russia in late December 2023 when he exceptionally called on President Putin indicated an effort to remove misgivings that India-Russia ties were waning politically. At the meeting Putin issued an invitation for Modi to visit Russia and Jaishankar subsequently indicated publicly that this visit would be on the cards in 2024.
Normally the India-Russia annual summit is held towards the later part of the year, which is not the most congenial time for a summit in Moscow because of cold weather conditions but is the most congenial time for a summit in India because of cooler weather here.
In the present instance, both sides seem to have considered it opportune to promptly convey a political message that ties at the bilateral level, and in the context of tense geopolitical realities, remainn important for both sides. Modi and Putin could have waited for the BRICS summit in Kazan in Russia in October this year to also hold a bilateral summit but have consciously chosen not to.
Modi attended the G7 summit in Italy days after he was sworn-in as Prime Minister. It was important that he attended as his absence could have been misconstrued as a lowering of his profile, and indeed that of India, after his election setback at home. The Western press have gloated at the “humbling” of Modi.
Modi rightly wanted to convey to the G7 leaders and to the Indian public that it would be business as usual on the external front, that the failure to secure an absolute majority in the national election had no bearing on the conduct of India’s foreign policy. It was necessary to convey a sense of confidence and self-assurance in his formal statement at the G7 outreach meeting as well as in his interaction with individual group leaders, who, as it happens, are politically much more seriously contested at home, whose popularity ratings are lower, with some heading minority governments and some who are slated to lose power in the next elections.
Modi clearly wanted to balance his participation of the G7 summit on the heels of his re-election with a summit meeting with Putin notwithstanding his busy political agenda at home.
Whether his decision was influenced by a recognition that powerful lobbies in the West would prefer a weaker leader at the helm of Indian affairs, which might explain the orchestrated political campaign against him prior to and during the elections in Western media, think tank, academic civil society and even political circles, in what constituted a clear interference in our election process, is a matter of speculation.
He may have wanted to negate any perception that a weaker government at the national level and a stronger opposition at home would make India more vulnerable to Western pressure bysignaling that India’s foreign policy course, its determination to preserve its strategic autonomy and pursue a policy of friendship with all, to best protect India’s national interest, would continue.
Modi will not be attending the SCO summit on July 3 as the parliamentary session in India will still be on. India has clear stakes in the SCO – and cannot yield strategic space in it to its disadvantage. The Deputy Secretary General post in the organisation is now held by an Indian. But the timetable is problematic. By visiting Russia a few days later Modi is partially compensating for his absence at the SCO summit, as Russia is a major pillar of the organization.
Modi’s early visit to Moscow is important also in the wider context of BRICS expansion. The BRICS summit in Kazan in Russia in October this year will decide on the group's expansion. India must have a strong say in the process as an original BRIC member. Purely geopolitical considerations, in the context of the sharpening North-South and East-West divides should not lead to including all-comers.
A consensus on objective criteria for expansion is in the best interest of the group and its objectives. This is a delicate exercise as some countries seeking membership are part of a military alliance or oppose transit and trade with specific countries, or have known terrorist affiliations.
Modi’s Moscow visit, in sum, has important bilateral, regional and international dimensions.
Universities and Empowered Socioeconomic Future
by: Dr. Zia Ahmed | June 29, 2024
Regardless of the multiple nature of the issues the universities face, their main function is to serve the people by providing a forum for discussion and debate to formulate wholesome policies for its people’s moral, social, and political uplift. Besides, the universities are expected to develop a genuine creation of new knowledge via research and implementation of innovations. Universities around the globe have worked wonders in this regard by inviting intellectuals and researchers to hold a constructive debate and dialogue on the world changing around them so that lawmakers or policymakers may constantly evolve for the freedom and well-being of their people. These universities have also generated a gigantic amount of knowledge which has boosted the scientific and technical progress of the above-mentioned countries that today the world is looking towards them for cooperation.
Unfortunately, in Pakistan, this has not happened with full letter and spirit because here universities have gradually fallen victim to political polarization, financial constraints, and an absence of genuine researchers and intellectuals. The universities could not harness the full potential of their existence and instead started to collect as much money as possible by lowering the quality to enhance the number of admissions and the relevant charges. While the private institutions were providing better infrastructure and facilities to their students, they became an imposing threat to the public universities and hence generated a competition for admissions which prompted the absence of merit. The unthoughtful policies of the government opened universities more than needed and so now universities are struggling to maintain their evening shifts. This tendency has severely damaged the quality of work.
Universities around the globe have worked wonders by inviting intellectuals and researchers to hold a constructive debate so policymakers may constantly evolve.
The creation of knowledge through research has become a race for earning money and each faculty member, be it in a private or public institution, is boasting of research papers and articles in triple digits. While the world watchdogs are reporting Pakistan is almost at the top ranking in plagiarism-related reports. In such a situation creation of real and innovative knowledge is a far cry and a distant dream because of multiple available and accessible resources. The university’s watchdogs need to develop filters for assessing quality research and to stop plagiarized or chatbot-generated material from getting published. Thanks to the newly enhanced filters of some indexes which would not allow any such materials to be ranked among the quality research papers.
There are now a sufficient number of colleges available for BS degree programs under the umbrella of renowned universities, so, universities must not seek admissions for BS programs and instead focus on the MS and PhD programs to engage their faculty in quality research and debate, as per the availability of faculty and the requisite resources. This society is facing huge sociopolitical issues and a struggle for its space in the world.
This needs solutions that only research at the universities can provide. We need to be tolerant and ethically strong people to make our mark in the world and that is only possible when universities generate free debate on the research done under them. The research should also be problem-solving in nature as per the ground realities of our society. The authorities and the policymakers must also join hands to pool up resources for maintenance and research at the universities and to provide a conducive environment for the work of the faculty. Besides these measures, job-oriented and market-oriented skill-based education must be propagated.
The curricula should be revisited in this regard because the graduating students from the universities are gradually becoming disappointed when they do not find jobs or work as per their qualifications. Our universities are capable of delivering for the good of societies only if a little policy shift and target-oriented delivery of education and research are ensured. This policy should also include the selection and promotion criterion in the universities. The entry-level recruitment can be made transparent and qualitative by involving the Federal Public Service Commission and the higher entry-level must ensure that the faculty being recruited has outperformed somehow and his research has contributed significantly to the scientific, social, ethical, and political uplift of the society. Once this type of impact factor and industrial liaison is ensured for promotion to the higher entry level, the race to get a maximum number of papers published in the shortest possible time is also expected to minimize to ensure the quality, not the quantity.
India is Not America’s ‘Friend in Need’
by: M A Hossain | June 29, 2024
Over the decades, the geopolitical landscape between the United States and India has reached new heights. Though this partnership has garnered significant attention, it’s essential to recognize that India’s engagement with the U.S. is driven more by pragmatic considerations than by a deep-rooted alliance. The growing proximity between the two nations is largely a strategic move by India. India’s ultimate aim is to counter the rise of its neighbor, China, rather than to align wholesale with American interests. So, in a geopolitical context, the U.S.-India pact is driven by regional supremacy over a geopolitical rival.
India’s strategic alignment with the United States has been significantly influenced by the need to counterbalance China’s growing assertiveness in Asia. Over the past decade, China has expanded its influence through initiatives like the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and increased military activities in the South China Sea. Moreover, India is almost surrounded by China-friendly nations. This expansionist agenda has raised alarms in New Delhi, which sees a direct threat to its own regional dominance and security.
The Doklam standoff in 2017, where Indian and Chinese troops faced off at the Bhutan-China-India tri-junction, exposed the tangible nature of this threat. Subsequently, the deadly clashes in the Galwan Valley in 2020 highlighted the volatile state of Sino-Indian relations. These incidents have propelled India to seek stronger security and economic ties with the United States, a nation with the military and economic clout to counterbalance China.
India’s participation in the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue (Quad), which includes the U.S., Japan, and Australia, is a clear manifestation of this strategy. The Quad aims to promote a free and open Indo-Pacific, implicitly countering China’s regional influence. India’s involvement in this group indicates its desire to leverage U.S. support to ensure regional stability and prevent any single power, particularly China, from dominating the Indo-Pacific region.
From the U.S. perspective, India represents a critical partner in its broader strategy to contain the influence of both China and Russia. The U.S. recognizes India’s strategic location, vast market, and growing military capabilities as valuable assets in maintaining a balance of power in Asia. In reality, India is the only state that can play a significant role in counterbalancing America’s geopolitical rivals.
Washington’s foreign policy under successive administrations emphasized counterterrorism in Asia. When Western nations were busy using hard power to neutralize terrorism, China was consistently influencing those destabilized nations by using its soft power policy. After two decades of the ‘War on Terror,’ the U.S. and its allies found zero-sum achievements and hostile postures from those affected nations. To cover up this time-lapse dent with geopolitical strategic engagement, India is considered an ideal ally to create a coalition that can present a united front against authoritarian regimes in Beijing and Moscow.
The United States has consistently encouraged India to align more closely with Western policies and perspectives on global issues. This alignment is not just about military cooperation but also involves economic policies, technological exchanges, and diplomatic stances. For instance, the U.S. has pushed for India’s inclusion in various international forums and supported its bid for a permanent seat on the United Nations Security Council.
Despite its growing ties with the United States, India has maintained a historically significant relationship with Russia. This bond dates back to the Cold War era when India, under Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, pursued a policy of non-alignment but leaned towards the Soviet Union for support in key areas.
The strong bilateral relations between India and Russia have been evolving since the Indo-Soviet Treaty of Peace, Friendship, and Cooperation was signed in 1971. During the Liberation War of Bangladesh in 1971, the Soviet Union’s diplomatic and military support was crucial for India’s diplomatic triumph over Pakistan. Subsequently, Russia has remained a vital source of defense equipment and technology for India. The BrahMos missile, a product of Indo-Russian collaboration, exemplifies the depth of their defense ties.
Even today, despite Western sanctions and international pressures, India continues to procure significant military hardware and crude oil from Russia. India’s Foreign Minister, Mr. Jaishankar, explicitly spelled out that India will prioritize its interests over geopolitical rivalries. This enduring relationship is rooted in trust and mutual benefit, making it challenging for India to completely pivot away from Russia in favor of U.S. interests.
The Indo-Pacific strategy is a cornerstone of U.S. foreign policy aimed at countering China’s growing influence. The inclusion of India in this strategy is based on several factors. Firstly, India’s geographical location provides a strategic advantage in controlling key maritime routes in the Indian Ocean, through which a significant portion of global trade passes.
Secondly, India’s military capabilities and its role as an emerging regional power can assist in maintaining Western supremacy in this region. The U.S. views India as a counterweight to China’s military expansion and its assertive postures in South and Central Asia.
Thirdly, the democratic values shared by the U.S. and India form a basis for cooperation in promoting stability and governance in the region. The U.S. sees India as a partner in championing democracy and countering the influence of alternative regimes. The U.S. expects India to see China and Russia through Washington’s eyes.
Furthermore, the economic potential of India as a growing market and a hub for technological innovation aligns with the U.S. objective of creating a resilient supply chain that reduces dependence on China. The U.S.’s information technology sector is significantly dependent on Indian experts. The U.S. shares its military, surveillance, and intelligence technology with India, which paves the way to counter China’s psychological warfare.
India’s engagement with the United States is primarily driven by strategic necessity rather than a deep-seated alliance. The rise of China as a regional hegemon has pushed India closer to the U.S., but this relationship is not devoid of complexities. India’s historical ties with Russia and its pursuit of strategic autonomy suggest that it is not ready to fully align with any single power bloc.
The U.S. aims to integrate India into its Indo-Pacific strategy to counterbalance China and Russia, leveraging India’s strategic position and capabilities. However, India’s foreign policy will likely continue to be characterized by a careful balancing act, maintaining its traditional partnerships while exploring new ones to safeguard its national interests.
In essence, while the U.S. may see India as a crucial partner in its global strategy, India is not America’s ‘friend in need’ in the traditional sense. The relationship is one of mutual benefit and strategic pragmatism, reflecting the complex realities of contemporary geopolitics.
CPEC and Economic Growth
by: Sajjad Bukhari | June 28, 2024
China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is not only a cooperative endeavour between Pakistan and China, rather the Corridor carries a regional impact. CPEC will be a bridge between South, East and Central Asia. The economic dividends linked to the corridor will benefit the three regions. Central-South Asia connectivity will open up prospects of energy cooperation. Likewise, Kashgar-Gwadar linkage will open up trade cooperation between countries of East and South Asia. With economic connectivity, the political environment as a whole will be more inclined towards economic interdependence and trading ties. The transition towards geo-economics will also strengthen the prospects of technological exchange. This development will be useful for the developing economies as the countries will get an opportunity to learn from the best practices and expertise of China in trade, agriculture and technology. Besides, the Special Economic Zones (SEZs) built under the CPEC is a positive step towards industrialisation. With foreign companies in SEZs, the local companies will get an exposure of international markets. The local companies can learn from foreign companies; it can provide a base to connect with international markets.
With economic connectivity, the political environment, as a whole, will be more inclined towards economic interdependence.
Seeing the importance of CPEC, in context of Pakistan and China, the corridor is reflective of both countries orientation towards geo-economics. Pakistan and China’s orientation towards economic growth varies as China is an economic power whereas Pakistan faces challenges of economic growth. However, in either of the case, both the countries tilt towards regional connectivity is to out-manoeuver the challenges at regional front. For China, CPEC is an economic outlet to trans-regionally grow beyond East Asia. CPEC will provide China with an easy access to Indian Ocean and more outlets for China’s growing economy. In context of Pakistan, the country having fought militancy for more than a decade is still confronted with terrorism, due to which the country’s economy has suffered. With CPEC, Pakistan can improve its economy, challenges like poverty, joblessness will be addressed. The socio-economic development will deter the extremist tendencies. Thus, CPEC’s significance for both China and Pakistan is economic growth.
CPEC’s aim is trade connectivity, and economic prosperity. The idea is in line with the narrative of peace and regional stability. However, there are elements which do not want an economically prosperous South Asia. Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and Kulbhushan Yadav are reflective of the coercive and subversive pursuits targeted at sabotaging CPEC. This adversarial mindset is a challenge for the smooth operation of CPEC. In March this year, Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) militants tried to infiltrate the Gwadar Port Authority (GPA) complex, the terrorist attempt was foiled by the Pakistan Army. Such attacks are a reminder that to connect economically, terrorism will have to be defeated. Another dimension of CPEC is China’s enhanced role in region. This aspect has a geopolitical connotation. India wary of losing regional ground to China has opposed CPEC. Indian stance over CPEC is a testament to regional confrontational politics. Here the point that needs deliberation is the linkage of terrorism with non-traditional security challenges like extreme poverty. The countries that are opposing CPEC need to look at the corridor from a regional lens. Terrorism and human security are issues that require efforts at regional front. ASEAN is an example in which, the Southeast Asian economies have flourished as region. The ASEAN countries have disputes with China in the South China Sea but the conflicting claims have not stopped the countries from economic cooperation. In South Asia, the lack of a vision to grow as a region is an impediment in countries economic growth.
Lastly, in backdrop of terrorism’s regional impact, there is a need to evolve a regional counter terrorism approach. Conducive political environment will encourage foreign investment. Thus, the hostile regional approaches need to be replaced with economic cooperation.
India, Israel and Kargil
by: Aneela Shahzad| June 28, 2024
Save the Children has estimated over 21,000 children to be lost or under the rubble in Gaza, as “the latest displacements caused by the offensive in Rafah have separated more children and further increased the strain on families and communities.” A UN-backed panel of experts has found that almost half a million people in Gaza face starvation, and one in five households go whole days without food.
The chief of the International Committee of the Red Cross in Rafah described Rafah City as a “ghost town… you see very few people, high levels of destruction”. The UNRWA chief has decried a near total breakdown of public order and safety, making aid work impossible, adding that only two out of sixteen countries have resumed UNRWA funding.
The Gaza War may not have spilled out into the region, yet but it is boiling at the brinks. The unequaled suffering of the people of Gaza is a scathing price for their aspired freedom, a price perhaps only they are willing to pay. Uniquely so, present at the heart of human civilisation, Palestine presents a living model of genocide, apartheid, human rights violations and seven decades of oppression and abuse — an exhibit humanity sees everyday and does nothing about it! This is cold, wretched liberal, capitalist, individualistic indifference, a global pandemic we all share. But some perhaps more than others are not sick of it, they cherish it!
Among those are Israel’s western allies that give it funds, weapons and political backing in international forums. Right from the Balfour Agreement (1917) to date, they have backed the Zionist Project of stealing the land of Palestine from its rightful owners, and putting on a profane display of continuous persecution of a Muslim community in the heart of the Arab world, day in day out. This cannot be deemed a nostalgia caused by the religious underpinnings of the secular West. It is by far a conscious criminal act of evil against a targeted section of humanity — an evil that can easily be undone if the will for it be.
But this burden of guilt borne by the white Christian West is perhaps so attractive for someone in the East — i.e. India — that they have come running to share it.
Modi, as soon as winning a third term, had to come to the aid of hug-buddy Netanyahu. News is out of former Israeli ambassador to India Daniel Carmon claiming the India is supplying drones and artillery to Israel, in return of their favour in the Kargil War (1999) when Israel had done the same for them. One asks: what does India gain by becoming a part of a genocide that infuriates 1.9 billion Muslims worldwide, 204 million of whom live inside India? One asks: was such an act not evitable? Or was it inevitable, for India?
Inevitable because Israel and India share, perhaps not religion, but ideology, a sinister one. Time and again Modi and Netanyahu have expressed solidarity in the fact that they are both suffering from the same scourge of terrorism that India faces in Kashmir and Israel at the hands of the Palestinians.
In 2018, at Modi’s historical visit to Israel, Israeli Foreign Ministry Mark Sofer said, “I really don’t see any difference between the Lashkar-e-Taiba and the Hamas.” Immediately after the Feb 2019 Pulwama attack, Netanyahu expressed his solidarity with Modi again saying “the Jewish nation stood behind India.” The Israeli envoy, Dr Ron Malka, then stated that “there is no limit” to the Israeli assistance to India, “we share our technique because we really want to help our really important friend.”
On Oct 10, three days after the Gaza attack, Modi called Netanyahu saying that he was deeply shocked and that “people of India stand firmly with Israel in this difficult hour. India strongly and unequivocally condemns terrorism in all its forms and manifestations”. Here ‘people of India’ are the extremist far-right Hindutva lovers expressing unity with Israel’s extremist far-right. And it’s not just Kargil where they have been collaborating, Israel has provided military assistance to India in the 1962, 1965 and 1971 wars too.
In 2014, India and Israel signed agreements on ‘Mutual Legal Assistance in Criminal Matters, Cooperation in Homeland and Public Security, and Protection of Classified Material’ and working groups regarding border management, internal security and public safety, police modernisation and capacity building for combating crime, crime prevention and cybercrime were established.
Since then, and especially after the abrogation of Article 370, Indian counterterrorism has increasingly imitated tactics used by Israel against Palestinians. These include surveillance of social media; installing CCTV cameras in schools across Kashmir; use of pellet guns; humiliating house searches in the middle of the night; and search and cordon operations.
Now in returning all those favours, how far can India go. Few months back Modi also offered 100,000 Indian construction workers to replace Palestinian workers in Israel. Just imagine how the Palestinians would feel about that; surely it would be clear to them, whose side India is on. Decisively so, India is on the side of Israel, the US, the West. And that is decisively the side opposite to that of the Russians, the Chinese, the Persians and increasingly so the Arabs — the very wrong side of history!
India has proven that as a nation it stands with genocide and oppression; that as a political entity it lacks the wisdom to appropriate friendship and enmity in the right places; that as a section of humanity it is unable to stand the moral stature required of great people with great civilisational heritage.
Is it lust or stupidity? Is it the unfruitful ambition to become a regional power? Or is it the collective nostalgia of the people who have allowed their fanatic far-right to drag them away from a future with the Global South, away from a coming century of prosperity and towards a confrontation with Asian neighbours — a confrontation with the BRICS friends and the Arabs — in a bid to partake in the power the West has, a power they are losing fast?
How high is the Sino-Pak friendship?
by: Shahzad Chaudhry| June 28, 2024
The question has been posed frequently in the last some weeks and found favour in the Indian media for obvious reasons. The two principals in Pakistan’s power equation, the prime minister and the army chief, were both in China recently where they held numerous meetings with China’s top leadership. The prime minister visited for an unprecedented five days. China’s minister for International Department followed up with a Joint Consultative Meeting in which the two sides discussed the progress on CPEC, the corridor to economic and infrastructure development between China and Pakistan. That doesn’t seem like a souring relationship between two iron brothers. But there have been problems which have needed attention at this level of engagement. CPEC has not yet matured beyond an infrastructural undertaking and the real fruit — the special economic zones which would bring the desperately needed industry and jobs, and thus exports and the FE — has lain unattended with not even perfunctory progress.
The reasons mostly pertain to capacities within Pakistan to give these projects the right attention and spare finances required to put in place the necessary infrastructure. From political disharmony to a decaying ability to transmit power, to producing lesser and lesser electricity — power consumption in Pakistan is reducing at the rate of 12 per cent per annum — to an international and IMF concern of Pakistan being drowned in debt, mostly Chinese, have literally paralysed decision making which could have moved the needle forward. China calls CPEC its flagship programme in the Silk Road project aimed at expanding its reach and influence as well as resource its critical needs from the Middle East and adjoining Eurasian region. A suspended or a slowed CPEC threatens the entire edifice of China’s future strategy. China should be genuinely concerned.
Pakistan owes around 130 billion USD in debt to the outside world. This is one-third of its gross GDP. Of this she owes 68 billion USD or more to China. CPEC constitutes 62 billion of those, of which approximately 35 billion has already been utilised on infrastructure and roads, etc. Economic activity meant to generate jobs and returns hasn’t yet begun. IMF which is the lender of the last resort, and a Washington monopoly, wishes Pakistan to work the debt out with China before it should lend more to Pakistan and be the saviour that Pakistan looks to for greater credibility as an investment destination. The PM and the army chief were in Beijing to request exactly such reprieve through debt rescheduling. It is unlikely they will get it. The Chinese instead may proffer more loan to retire the debt which falls due keeping the fidelity of their financial system intact even when they help a proclaimed friend from an impending bankruptcy. More loans add to the debt burden kicking the can further down the road.
Strategically, the US would like to minimise China’s influence and ingress in Pakistan. In the worst case it shall hope to coexist with equal if not greater influence with Pakistan’s power circles. This conundrum will challenge Pakistan’s leadership inevitably becoming acute with time. Unless of course Pakistan changes paradigm of its engagement with the world at large and is seen to be a strategically and economically productive partner than a liability keeping afloat through debt dependence. Else, it will surely be dispensed away by one or both without much consequence to their interests. At serious cost, of course, to Pakistan.
Pakistan’s lament with China is deeper. Previous governments finalised power-plant deals with Chinese companies which inducted retiring plants on coal but with a promised dual-cycle modifications. Even when completed those have continued to produce expensive electricity with adverse fuel efficiency. Expensive electricity has only meant dearer power to the consumers which when unpaid has built an insurmountable circular debt. The contracts envisage capacity charges in USDs to power producers even when they do not produce any power because of the inability of Distribution Companies to pay for it.
Electric power in Pakistan today is oversubscribed. With a standing capacity touching 50000 MW it can only transmit and use 25000 MW. A combination of its inability to finance power and make it available to consumers at affordable rates means there are long hours of forced outages to domestic and industrial consumers. All attempts by Pakistan to renegotiate the power contracts to more tolerable levels have turned a blank. China’s government backed consortiums would not budge. The cross has become just too big to carry. Other than debt it is the bankruptcy of the energy sector which has the making of taking the entire economy down with no way out of this debilitation.
The US has a minor stake in the power mix but what they have is decidedly more efficient with a reduced carbon footprint. They will however commit only so much to investing with Pakistan. Pakistan needs to trapeze between these two variables and yet retain its balance. It will only get more difficult with time. Strategic dimensions of peace and security in the region and economic interests, however, will keep Pakistan engaged with the US for the foreseeable future. China too will remain intrinsic to Pakistan’s long and short-term interests on similar grounds. To choose between the two, however, is neither probable nor possible. For the moment China understands this vulnerability well to not insist on a clear demarcation in this binary. Ditto the US. Pakistan will be lucky if these two principals of Pakistan’s policy remain as rationally supportive of its needs and limitations.
China has three principal complaints of Pakistan. One, it is disappointed and dissatisfied with the state of security in the areas where Chinese nationals work. Many have been abducted and killed in terrorist acts. China wants Pakistan to ensure foolproof security before any meaningful work is resumed. That has spurred another look and another promise within the security apparatus to expand the counter-terrorism effort, as it must be. Second, Pakistan has failed at developing its own sources and arrangements to provide and prepare the infrastructure in the special economic zones to make them functional. China is thus unable to relocate its retiring industry in Pakistan to spur growth and help Pakistan create jobs and the FE it desperately needs. And thirdly, a barely floating economy is the least attractive for any investor to place his money in with any assurance. Especially, when most local industry is moving out because of unsustainability.
Chinese attach greatest importance to symbols in their dealings with other nations. When they call their relationship with Pakistan as sacred as Mount Tai — the most sacred of the five peaks in China — that may seem lowering the scale from the 29000 feet Himalayan peak to just five thousand feet of sacred height. Yet sacred it is. Why would it not be with so much at stake. For how long is the question.
What Modi’s return means for India
by: Syed Mohammad Ali | June 28, 2024
So, Modi is a Prime Minister once again. While Modi did not secure another landslide victory as was widely predicted, still he is back at the helm of affairs in the second most populous country in the world. Many analysts are claiming that being part of a coalition government will make it difficult for Modi to do as he pleases. Others are impressed by the resurgence of the Indian opposition, under the Congress leadership. However, hoping that India is now going to self-correct itself, in ideal democratic fashion, may be wishful thinking.
That Modi has lost some support is still significant. Modi’s supporters will probably have an increasingly tough time defending his portrayal “as the most popular leader in the world”. Indian Adivasi tribes, which had been increasingly marginalised by Modi’s top-heavy economic development policies, have not voted for him. Despite his public spending spree, Modi also failed to win over lower caste Hindus, who are also disenchanted by Hindu nationalist rhetoric, which did little to improve their lives. Farmers in Haryana and Punjab did not either support Modi due to his attempts to further liberalise agriculture. Muslims, and other religious minorities, including the Christians, largely supported the Congress and its big-tent alliance of multiple parties, known as Indian National Developmental Inclusive Alliance (INDIA). However, despite winning a lot of religious minority votes, the Congress also has a problematic history with both the Sikhs and the Muslims. The present-day Congress-led INDIA platform also included ultra-regionalist political parties such as Shiv Sena. Modi has exacerbated communal tensions, but this is a problem which predates his rise, and one which may remain a source of internal tensions after Modi is no longer in politics.
For now, however, Modi lacks an absolute majority in the parliament. Despite allegations of rigging, the BJP has now formed a government, reliant on regional parties like the Telugu Desam Party and the Janata Dal United, which are not prone to endorsing increased anti-Muslim rhetoric. These developments have raised hopes amongst many liberal-minded Indians at home, as well as Indian supporters abroad, that Modi’s chokehold on state institutions will also weaken, in turn allowing human rights groups and other government critics to become more assertive.
Yet, some perturbing initial steps have been already taken by the incumbents. For instance, no key ministries (defence, finance or home/interior) were given to any coalition partner. There are no Muslims in Modi’s new cabinet. Amit Shah is still the Home Minister of India, a man who had perfected the art of using the label of anti-terrorism to quash all forms of dissent.
If Modi has any desire to curb majoritarianism, he should pay heed to the lengthy list of recommendations prepared by Human Rights Watch (HRW) for the incoming government. Some of the suggestions in this list ask the Indian government to stop persecuting dissenters, compel the police and judiciary to offer protection to the minorities, and ensure the security apparatus averts rampant abuses in the name of quelling insurgencies. HRW has also called for amending the Citizenship Amendment Act 2019, which denies refugee status to Muslims, including the Rohingyas. It has further pointed to the need for repealing state level anti-conversion laws, and laws banning cow slaughter.
Despite his electoral disappointment, Modi is unlikely to abandon majoritarianism or offer meaningful protections to India’s minorities, to its restive regions, or to his dissenters. It will also be surprising if the Indian Supreme Court goes back on its recent decision to endorse revocation of Kashmir’s special status. The Indian media and civil society may become more proactive though. There may be some respite for minorities facing the increasing threat of violence at the hands of Hindu extremists. Yet, the biggest preoccupation for the new Modi government will probably be trying to address the rampant joblessness and inequalities which the Modinomics has produced. Modi has turned Indian into the world’s fifth largest economy, but it remains a nation which is unable to provide even the most basic of necessities to a vast majority of its populace.
Dismantling the RAW-Backed Nexus
by: Javed Iqbal| June 27, 2024
Pakistan’s security forces’ efforts to curb the menace of terrorism got a breakthrough when the security forces foiled the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan and Balochistan Liberation Army Majeed Brigade’s plot to build hideouts under the nexus in Balochistan.
This development was shared with the media by Balochistan Home Minister, Mir Ziaullah Langove, in a presser in Quetta. According to the media reports, two Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan high-value commanders namely Nasrullah alias Maulvi Mansoor and Idris alias Irshad were apprehended by the intelligence agencies.
While explaining the details of the terrorists’ apprehension, the Home Minister paid rich tribute to the intelligence agency for conducting a challenging and complicated intelligence operation. The detained commander Nasrullah alias Maulvi Mansoor while narrating his story revealed that before joining Tehreek-e- Taliban Pakistan, he had been taking part in subversive activities from the platform of Baitullah Mehsud and fled to Afghanistan during Operation Zarb-e-Azb. He was serving as the head of the Tehreek-e- Taliban Pakistan Defence Shura and was centrally controlling all of its military, financial and administrative affairs when arrested.
Mere condemnation of terrorism will not make any difference.
The detained TTP Commander further disclosed that the Indian agency, RAW, managed the nexus of BLA Majeed Brigade and TTP Khawarij under the complete patronage of the Afghan Taliban. The main objective of the RAW was to build terrorist hideouts in Khuzdar and to sabotage Pak-China Friendship and CPEC. TTP and BLA’s link is also aimed at building a narrative of missing persons by carrying out activities for kidnapping for ransom.
Maulvi Mansoor said the entire leadership of TTP including Maulvi Noor Wali Mehsud and BLA Majeed Brigade Commander Bashir Zeb are hiding in Afghanistan and are enjoying full support of the Afghan government.
Confession by the TTP commander Nasrullah alias Maulvi Mansoor is not the first evidence of the usage of Afghan soil against Pakistan for terrorism. The Pakistani government has time and again shared evidence of TTP terrorism activities resulting in the loss of precious lives and severely damaging government efforts for economic revival. Pakistan also raised this issue with the world community and urged them to play their role in peace and security of the region.
It is high time for Kabul to understand its obligation under the Doha agreement and stop using proxies against Pakistan. It is also the responsibility of the world community to pressure the Taliban Govt to honour its words. Mere condemnation of terrorism will not make any difference. Besides this, India should also be held accountable for supporting terrorist activities in Pakistan and putting the stability of the whole region at stake.
Terror Web Exposed in Baluchistan
by: Faisal Ahmad | June 27, 2024
Arrest of high-value terrorists including the main commander of the banned TTP Shura Nasarullah aka Maulvi Mansoor is a major achievement of intelligence agencies. The outcome of the investigations shared in a presser by the home minister of Baluchistan reflects the severity of the brewing security crisis stemming from Afghanistan under the patronage of India.
Consequent to successful intelligence-based operations, recent arrests have amply exposed the TTP’s designs for expanding terror networks in Baluchistan. As the federal cabinet has granted formal approval to operation Azm-e-Istehkam, conclusions extracted from the eye-opening confession of TTP commander Nasarullah merit extraordinary attention.
First, banned terrorist groups are making full use of safe havens available in Afghanistan to attack Pakistan.
Second, the interim government of the Taliban has failed to suppress terrorist groups. Instead of paying attention to Pakistan’s legitimate concerns, the interim government’s provision of blatant support to anti-Pakistan terrorists is a clear and present danger to national security and fragile bilateral relations.
Third, despite the wide ideological gap between the banned TTP and Baloch separatist terrorists, the recently revealed strategic cooperation between both sides is astonishing. It also confirms that common handlers are moving the strings of religiously misled extremists and self-styled ethnically motivated separatist terrorists. Proxy handlers are trying to dislodge the writ of state with a fusion of terrorist groups having ideologies polls apart.
The prolonged inaction of the Taliban regime against anti-Pakistan proxies on Afghan soil might worsen the regional security matrix beyond imagination.
Fourth, the Indian rogue agency RAW is behind the terrorist groups fighting against the state of Pakistan. Nasarullah has disclosed numerous meetings of TTP leader Noor Wali and BLA Majeed Brigade militant Bashir Zeb with RAW officials in Kabul.
Fifth, Banned TTP is operating against Pakistan with the full support of influential elements of the interim Taliban government.
Sixth, the Unnatural alliance of religious extremists with BLA has triggered divisions among the banned TTP top hierarchy. According to the confession statement of Nasarullah, banned TTP commander Noor Wali is exploiting the Jihad terminology and using the non-Mehsud Pushtun foot soldiers as fodder in suicide attacks.
Seventh, the masterminds hiding in Afghanistan want to weaken the writ of the state by continuously targeting Pakistan’s armed forces and law enforcement agencies.
The terrorists are hell-bent on the mission of raising a wave of anarchy, chaos and instability in the country. The recent storm of terrorist attacks in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Baluchistan is aimed at sabotaging the CPEC and the overall stability of the country. Peace restored with innumerable sacrifices cannot be left at the mercy of foreign-sponsored terrorists. Sons of soil are continuously laying their lives in defence of the motherland. To defeat the monster of terrorism at the national level, the state should seek support from all segments of society. Formulation of a rehashed counter-terrorism strategy is not possible without broad political consensus.
Pakistan Army is still playing a central role in the complex war against terrorism. This need is being felt strongly that all state institutions including police, judiciary, legislature, political parties and media should play a proactive role.
Swift conduct of Intelligence-based operations in KP wiped out the terrorists involved in heinous attacks without wasting time. Prompt retaliatory counter-terrorist operations speak volumes about the superior intelligence craft and professional standards of troops pitched in the nerve-breaking war against hardcore terrorists. The recent call of the PM to launch operation Azm-e-Istehkam should not be viewed through the politicized lens.
A delay in the consolidation of CT efforts would be detrimental to the restoration of national stability. Terrorist groups have regrouped under the Indian umbrella with a clear aim to destabilize Pakistan and dent the superiority of China. As it happened in past, a strong message should be sent to all regional and global players that Pakistan stands united against all forms of terrorism.
According to the National Action Plan, the role of provincial governments is crucial in the eradication of terrorism and extremism. National security is a shared responsibility between the federal and provincial governments.
The disappointing response of opposition predominantly PTI on the issue of CT operations is serving the purpose of forces inimical to the stability of Pakistan. While in power for the third consecutive term in KP, PTI should introspect the CT failures at the provincial level amid the resurging terrorism wave under her watch. Zero tolerance against terrorism is the right course to deal with the menace.
The appreciable CT track record of armed forces and intelligence agencies reaffirms the national resolve against terrorism. It is about time for the international community which keep neglecting the rogue terrorist activities of Indian state institutions.
The prolonged inaction of the Taliban regime against anti-Pakistan proxies on Afghan soil might worsen the regional security matrix beyond imagination. An internationally unrecognized regime in Kabul should weigh out the consequences of its flawed approach amid the unshakeable resolve of Pakistan against terrorism.
How to manage this education emergency
by: Naveed Ahmed Shaikh| June 27, 2024
Pakistan’s prime minister’s declaration of an education emergency is a long-overdue recognition of the severe state of the nation’s education system.
However, while well-intentioned, the 14-point plan released by the government lacks the urgency and transformative potential that an actual emergency demands. It reiterates existing initiatives, raising concerns about its effectiveness in addressing the deep-rooted issues that are causing a crisis in the sector.
A closer look at these 14 points reveals that these plans have been tested, achieving varying levels of success. While there is no harm in revisiting these reforms, one struggles to find a single point that necessitates declaring an emergency.
These directives include initiatives to reduce the number of out-of-school children; improve the quality of teaching staff; enhance the health and nutrition of students; promote community-based teaching; establish financial support systems for students; replicate successful educational models; launch skill development programmes; develop online education resources; expand financial aid programmes; promote financial literacy; and foster innovation in education.
An education emergency is a powerful tool that allows for implementing extraordinary measures that, under normal circumstances, might face bureaucratic delays or political resistance. It serves as a beacon of hope, reminding us that the usual pace of policy implementation is woefully inadequate to address the urgency of the nation’s educational deficiencies. It underscores the immediate and effective action that is desperately needed, offering a path towards transformative change.
Pakistan lags in nearly all indicators, like literacy rate, net enrolment, and quality of education. For instance, let’s take one indicator: primary education completion rates. While many countries in the region have made significant strides in ensuring children complete their primary education, Pakistan is falling behind.
Data from Unesco shows that Pakistan’s primary school completion rate has slowly risen from 41 per cent in 2000 to 54 per cent in 2020. Despite this progress, the rate of improvement is worryingly slow, suggesting that Pakistan may not achieve universal primary education until 2083 (Article 25A of the constitution covers both primary and secondary education levels).
This consistent underperformance has positioned Pakistan as a unique country in the world. For instance, Pakistan’s primary completion rate is the lowest among countries with populations over 50 million. Pakistan’s tax-to-GDP ratio of 11 per cent severely restricts the investment potential needed to rescue the education system. As reflected in a World Bank index, the country’s public administration inefficiency places Pakistan below nations like Uganda and Nigeria. This inefficient bureaucratic structure renders Pakistan’s reform delivery arm almost ineffective. All this points to the fact that business as usual will not work.
Consensus on two broad points is essential across all political parties to move forward. First, short-term reforms are inadequate for a country as large as Pakistan. The reform horizon should be set for at least 10 years. Education reform is not akin to a road project; it requires a more-extended timeframe to implement meaningful changes. Frequent shifts in priorities every 3-5 years disrupt progress and ultimately do not benefit any political party.
Second, there needs to be a shift towards outcome-based financing. Education departments’ weak delivery mechanisms often lead to misappropriation and resource wastage, which is particularly detrimental in a sector struggling with limited resources.
There is a growing citizen-level consensus that the present trajectory is not only alarming but also poses an existential threat to the very being of the nation-state of Pakistan. As in existential wars, Pakistan must mobilize society-wide resources to rescue the nation. The prime minister’s call for action by declaring an education emergency must not be another missed opportunity for us, for we cannot afford it anymore.
A Covid-like forum must be constituted to coordinate state-wide resources. In the following paragraphs, an outline is being presented as a probable pathway:
Resource mobilization: Education should be declared a priority sector for all public and private establishments. Tax rebate incentives must be granted to private industries, banks, and goods and services providers if they enrol, retain, and provide quality education. For every 100,000 students, a 1.0 per cent tax rebate could be provided. This same incentive scheme should be extended to profit-making state-owned enterprises.
Like the carbon credit markets, these rebates should be made tradable to create a virtuous cycle connecting efficient and reputable education service providers with businesses. If implemented well, this incentive alone can bring hundreds of thousands of out-of-school children to formal schooling.
Pakistan has a robust banking and finance system. It can be fully leveraged if the education sector is legally declared an industrial/SME sector. To enrol 26 million additional children, Pakistan must make substantial investments in infrastructure and human resources. This goal cannot be achieved solely through taxpayer money. A two-pronged approach involving credit-based financing and student-based fee reimbursement from the public sector can potentially expedite the establishment of new schools.
Legal and regulatory change: The 18th Amendment has devolved the education sector to the provincial level. Before this amendment, education was on a concurrent list. However, this devolution remained incomplete. The education emergency will not achieve its goals unless education is devolved to the local government/district levels.
Institutional mechanism: In almost 25 years, education departments have raised the achievement levels to barely a few points, if not reversed. Take just one example: the primary completion rate, as discussed above. This progress barely encourages us to trust the education departments across the country to meet the targets of the education emergency.
It is probably appropriate to say that education is too serious a business to be left to Pakistan’s education departments. The country can adopt the following suggestions:
On the pattern of the Covid forum, the highest level of coordinating and implementing forum should be notified to work under the auspices of the SIFC.
A public-private authority dedicated to the education emergency should be formed to oversee Pakistan’s business sector’s contribution to education.
A consortium of public, private and development partners should be formed to monitor the outcomes of the above initiatives.
Declaring an education emergency in Pakistan is a significant step towards addressing the deep-rooted issues plaguing the sector. However, without a robust and actionable follow-up plan, this declaration risks becoming yet another missed opportunity.
The plan outlines a roadmap to mobilize resources, implement necessary legal changes, and establish robust institutional mechanisms to ensure that the education emergency leads to transformative change, setting Pakistan on a path to educational excellence.
The writer is a Fulbright scholar and education policy expert with over 20 years of experience in the public sector.
Istanbul, not…
by: F.S. Aijazuddin| June 27, 2024
TURKISH cuisine is to die for, not from. What seafood is to the Japanese, meat is for the Turks. It promises longevity.
The average lifespan of a Japanese is 84 years, a Turk 71 years. Indulgent Pakistanis last only 66 years.
Türkiye today is where Pakistan should have been, had it been properly husbanded. Pakistan, although a brother in Islam, took instead the path of unbridled procreation. Türkiye’s population (99 per cent Muslim) increased from 21 million in 1950, to 86m in 2023. Over the same period, Pakistan’s population burgeoned from 34m to over 220m. Birth control is spelt differently in Turkish.
Today, while Pakistan is still struggling to emerge out of its ideological sac, Türkiye knows what it is. It is the Türkiye envisaged by its Jinnah; ie, Kemal Atatürk. On Nov 10 each year — Atatürk’s death anniversary — all Türkiye comes to a halt and observes one minute’s silence. Jinnah shares his birthday with Jesus Christ and Nawaz Sharif.
The late president Pervez Musharraf studied in Türkiye until 1956. He spoke Turkish fluently. Unfortunately, that is all he learned. He forgot Türkiye’s seismic shift from a khaki kleptocracy to a democratically elected dictatorship.
Türkiye today is where Pakistan should have been.
Its present ruler, Recep Erdogan, has been in power as prime minister, then president, since 2003. On his way up, he served as Istanbul’s mayor. (In China, being mayor of Shanghai helps in reaching Beijing.)
In 1999, he served four months in jail for making a speech in which he recited Ziya Gökalp’s 1912 poem, Soldier’s Prayer. Erdogan quoted: ‘Minarets are bayonets, domes are helmets, mosques are our barracks, believers are soldiers’.
Is Erdogan a second Atatürk? No. Türkiye’s pantheon has only one place at the top. Is he a Turkish version of the Saudi MBS? Erdogan, even if he had the money, is too canny to waste resources on the folly of a $1.5 trillion Neom city project.
Türkiye — dismissed in the 19th century as the “sick man of Europe”, and, in the 20th century, denied entry into the EU — has decided to steer its own course. It is a vibrant example of a benign Islam — shorn of ritualism and an intrusive clergy.
Its priorities are education, infrastructure and expanding tourism. In 2023, Türkiye’s income from 57m visitors exceeded $54 billion. The largest number — Russians — live within spitting distance across the Black Sea. Pakistan sent 140,388, less than 155,155 Mexicans. The Mongolian hordes have yet to invade Türkiye. A Turkish Chinatown is still decades away.
A 1990 guide book warned travellers that Turks were just “beginning to learn about living on plastic”. Modern Turks are now as addicted to plastic cards as the Americans are to plastic surgery.
Turkey is becoming a preferred destination for medical tourism. Almost half a million foreign visitors come to have their Iooks improved (or damaged) by Botox procedures. Some hospitals have dedicated hotels where patients check in, go next door to have their operation, and return for five-star recuperation.
In Istanbul, stray dogs and cats are tagged at official expense and pampered with free meals and comfortable kennels. The Indian cynophile, Maneka Gandhi, who fought for Delhi’s canines, would have been gratified. After the recent Eidul Azha holidays (known as Kurban Bayrami), bones became hard to come by. A rabies epidemic could force the Turkish administration to rethink its hospitality.
Despite the keenness to encourage tourists, Turks are curiously xenophobic. They insist on speaking only Turkish. This often leads to a dialogue of the deaf between Turks and strangers, until both tap into their mobile phones for translation.
Istanbul’s shopping malls are a treat, even for a tourist tired of London. In them, designer outlets rub cheeks with shops offering every kind of Turkish sweetmeats and flavours of honey. Haunches of cured meat compete with Harrods’ Food Hall. The generational divide appears in the Food Court, where hamburgers and fried chicken overwhelm traditional adana kebabs and shorba.
Türkiye is now more than a country; it is an experience. To savour its fullness, one needs to immerse oneself in it. Young locals do it by dipping into the Bosphorus, which is remarkably clean considering the armada of tankers, cruise ships, ferries and boats that ply through it.
To spend a few days in a Turkish hotel is to escape from home. To live in a villa in the cool, silent suburb of Zekeriyaköy, high in the green, undulating hills that overlook Istanbul, is to holiday in heaven.
Over Kurban Bayrami, its affluent residents fled to their second seaside homes, leaving streets empty for dogs, their walkers, and for those who prefer their Eid away from an urban abattoir.
Holiday in Türkiye. You will emerge from its hammam physically cleansed, emotionally relaxed, and pummelled free of domestic anxieties.
Resolute against terrorism
by: Attiya Munawer | June 26, 2024
Political instability and terrorism are the root causes of economic problems facing Pakistan. The coalition government is trying its best to overcome all the elements that are standing in the way of the country’s development and prosperity. In this regard, Prime Minister Shahbaz Sharif approved the launch of Military Operation “Resolve for Stability” (Azm-e-Istehkam) to accelerate the national counterterrorism campaign with the consensus of the entire political and military leadership in the meeting of the apex committee of the National Action Plan. The step has been taken, which is the inevitable requirement of the time, but the opposition is raising objections to this operation. If the opposition’s objections to this operation are removed and the requirements of the constitution and law are given due consideration, then God willing, not only will this effort get full national support, but it will also strengthen the resolve against terrorism and bring lasting peace and stability across the country.
Undoubtedly, terrorism has escalated rather than declined in Pakistan as last year there were 306 terrorism incidents in which 693 people were killed and 1124 were injured, while there have been 332 incidents of terrorism so far this year and casualties are approximately 450. There is a dire need for a preventive and integrated strategy to end terrorism and this strategy was adopted in every period of power and successful operations were also conducted but the menace of terrorism could not be completely eradicated. The main reasons for this have been the failure to eliminate the causes of terrorism and the disagreement and non-cooperation among the parties. The security forces have been working tirelessly to put an end to terrorism with every fresh resolve and have been making endless sacrifices, while the politicians have not stopped playing politics on this, nor are they stopping anytime soon. Where the government seems to be trying to take credit for Azm-e-Istehkam operation, the opposition is raising objections.
Anyone can murmur ill about this operation Resolve for Stability, but it is urgently necessary in Pakistan. Chairman PTI Barrister Gohar asserts parliament must be taken into confidence before beginning any operations in the nation. The PTI’s Asad Qaiser claims that his party will not back any operation that is being conducted above the house, despite the fact that the constitution states that the parliament is supreme regardless of the sacredness of the committee. If an agreement has been reached, it should be brought to the parliament. This objection of the opposition is absolutely right. On the one hand, there is talk of the supremacy of the Parliament and on the other hand, such significant decisions are not only being arranged outside the Parliament but are also being enforced onto members without consultation in the Apex Committee meeting.
Apparently, the meeting of the Special Apex Committee of the National Action Plan has not been held for the first time, nor have any of the things discussed in this meeting are new that has not been discussed earlier in front of the nation. If the reports of the previous operations were also given before the announcement of a new operation, the nation would know what results have been obtained from their resources and how promising outcomes can be expected in the future. In the political and diplomatic realm, there is talk of stepping up efforts to destroy terrorist hideouts through regional cooperation during Operation Azm-e-Istehkam (Resolve for Stability), but there is no explanation for why terrorist hideouts could not be wiped out in earlier operations, even though all operations at that time were declared successful. Thus, where we have to address our shortcomings, we also have to re-evaluate our ineffective strategy, without which we cannot advance nor can a new operation be deemed successful.
There is no doubt that the current security threats have endangered the country’s security and economic stability. CPEC and other projects worth billions of dollars are at stake due to escalating events of terrorism. Everyone refers to how peace and political stability lead to economic stability, however, in this case, a robust operation is indispensable to bring peace and harmony in the country and advance economic cooperation. The need for operation Azm-e-Istehkam is obvious, but it is also absolute to secure a national consensus on this crucial decision, which is possible only with the approval of the parliament. The government has announced to bring the operation Azm-e-Istehkam into parliament pursuant to pressure from the opposition, yet this announcement ought to be carried out as well. If the operation is implemented once again above the Parliament House, then its outcome will be the same as the previous operations, there will be no complete counterterrorism, nor will there be peace and stability in the country and Pakistan’s dream of progressing on the road of development and stability will remain unfulfilled.
Pakistan’s New Counter-Terrorism Campaign
by: Dr Tehmina Aslam Ranjha | June 26, 2024
After presenting the budget in the National Assembly for the Financial Year 2024-25 on June 12, the next task before the government was to address the Chinese concerns over the security of their engineers and whether Pakistan was still interested in the continuation of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC).
With a high-powered delegation, at the beginning of June, Pakistan’s Prime Minister (PM) Shehbaz Sharif visited China, which was vexed at the loss of lives of Chinese engineers, who were hit by the proscribed Tehreke Taliban Pakistan (TTP) in the northwest and by the Baloch insurgent groups including the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) in the southwest of Pakistan. Though Pakistan tried to compensate for the loss monetarily the air of fear persisted in disheartening fellow engineers from working on projects related to the CPEC.
Pakistan is indebted to China not only for China’s investment in the CPEC worth US$ 62 billion but also for extending loans to help Pakistan avoid sovereign default. China’s commercial banks also provided Pakistan with credits to let the country show its foreign exchange reserve appropriate for securing loans from international lenders. Against this background, it has been embarrassing for Pakistan to see terrorism consuming the lives of Chinese engineers on its land. Above all, if China cannot invest in Pakistan, no other foreign investor can do so either.
Years ago, the US remained wise in dealing with the restive tribal area of Pakistan and the volatile neighbouring Afghan suburbs with drone strikes.
Pakistan has been caught by a dual devil: Islamic militancy and separatist insurgency. Worryingly, both TTP and BLA acquired modern weapons and equipment which were left by the US-NATO troops while leaving Afghanistan on August 30, 2021. In late 2022, both TTP and BLA announced to join ranks against Pakistan, to work on the strategy of sabotage. In November 2022, when the TTP announced to end of its ceasefire, Pakistan witnessed an uptick of terrorist attacks. The BLA also remained active in the southwest storming the Gwadar Port Authority Complex and Turbat naval base near China-run Gwadar Port early this year.
The strategy of sabotage was to undermine the Chinese interests in Pakistan – to disaffect China. Both TTP and BLA expect that by doing so they would win the support of all countries (whether situated near or far) antagonistic to China. On March 26 this year, a suicide attack in Bisham, in the Shangla district of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, devoured the lives of five Chinese engineers. Consequently, the engineering work was halted not only on the Dasu dam project but also on the Diamer-Bhasha and Tarbela (5th Extension) Hydropower Project. The aforementioned three high-profile attacks on Chinese personnel and interests this year raised alarm bells in Beijing.
A major challenge before Pakistan is that TTP and BLA have secured sanctuaries in Afghanistan, and also in Iran. On January 18, this year, Pakistan carried out air strikes inside Iran to target the hideouts of the BLA and other rebel groups. On March 18, Pakistan conducted air strikes inside Afghanistan to target the preserves of the TTP. Though Tehran has expressed its willingness to cooperate with Pakistan, Kabul refuses to collaborate.
What has been bandied about is that China is not happy with Pakistan on the measures taken to secure the lives of Chinese engineers. During Pakistan’s PM visit to China, Chinese President Xi Jinping emphasized Pakistan’s responsibility for creating “a safe, stable and predictable business environment” that would “guarantee the safety of Chinese” personnel and projects.
As if this were not enough. Liu Jianchao, Head of the International Department of the Communist Party of China, visited Islamabad and, on June 21, delivered an unequivocal message publicly to both politicians and the army, who were in attendance. The message was quadruple. First, Pakistan has to improve its internal security situation, the deterioration of which is “shaking the confidence of Chinese investors.”
Second, Pakistan has to improve its business environment. That is, norms and rules governing business are not investment-friendly. Instead, they are fraught with snags. Third, Pakistan has to bring about internal political stability – without which economic stability would remain a dream. Fourth, Pakistan has to nurture a CPEC-friendly media environment, in which rumours and fake news do not spoil the toil. This is the first time China has spoken to Pakistan at a public forum, leaving little to speculate and conceal, thereby demanding that Pakistan has to overcome all four hurdles to mollify China.
The next day, on June 22, Pakistan expressed its resolve to meet all the Chinese concerns. In the meeting of the Central Apex Committee on National Action Plan, the PM declared that, to fight the menace of terrorism, instead of just the army, all institutions and units of the state should work together embodying regional cooperation. The PM also announced to launch of a counter-terrorism campaign titled Operation Azm-e Istehkam (i.e. the will to create stability), as a national resolve to eradicate terrorism from the country. Necessary legislation will also be done.
Critically speaking, Pakistan’s counter-terrorism departments have failed to perform. The same is true about intelligence-gathering institutions. The problem with Pakistan’s decision-makers is that they keep on waiting (and weathering) till a tipping point takes over them. The world has moved from being “reactive” to “pre-emptive” except for Pakistan, which may be good at reaction but bad at pre-emption.
At this time, launching a military operation means more funds to initiate and sustain an operation and its repercussions. The country is struggling to service an enormous foreign debt, besides meeting the budgetary deficit. Inflation is soaring hitting the lower and middle classes hard.
This time, it is expected that Pakistan’s military may have to go inside Afghanistan in hot pursuit to dismantle the TTP sanctuaries. This act might invite multiple challenges. Pakistan has to take a page from the US strategy.
Years ago, the US remained wise in dealing with the restive tribal area of Pakistan and the volatile neighbouring Afghan suburbs with drone strikes and not by sending soldiers on the ground. Pakistan has to plan how it can achieve its targets inside Afghanistan by simultaneously saving the lives of its soldiers.
Time for Kabul to Rein in TTP
by: Sarah Ameer | June 26, 2024
Almost a week ago, Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan’s key figure, Abdul Manan alias Hakimullah, was killed in the Kunar region of Afghanistan. Abdul Manan is said to be closely associated with Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan’s Malakand Chapter Commander Azmat Ullah Mehsood. As per the reports, Abdul Manan joined Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan back in 2007 and has remained involved in multiple acts of terror, including target killings, IED blasts against security forces, extortion and played a key role in orchestrating terrorist activities in Bajaur.
The killing of Abdul Manan and the reports of internal rifts between the militant groups in Afghanistan offer a glimmer of hope for the terrorism-stricken Pakistan as the country might observe a short-term reduction in terrorist attacks; thereby buying the security forces some time to enhance their counter-terrorism efforts and tactics.
Abdul Manan’s killing is a serious blow to the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan as it has created a leadership vacuum which is likely to affect TTP’s operational capabilities for some time. It is reported that Hakimullah also served as a cleric at a madrassa of Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan in Sarkano, Kunar province of Afghanistan, and trained some of the key Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan commanders, including Tahir alias Waqar, Umar alias Ismail and others. However, now that its key trainer has been eliminated, the banned outfit might experience temporary hindrances in preparing new operatives effectively, which is again a good omen for Pakistan.
The world community needs to rein in the Afghan Taliban for sheltering the militant organisations.
Most of all, the killing of Hakimullah within an Afghan region reinforces Pakistan’s long-standing stance of Afghanistan being a terrorist haven under the leadership of the Afghan Taliban. Pakistan has time and again urged the Afghan Interim Government (AIG) to take strict action against the terrorist outfits present on their soil, however, the AIG constantly remained in a state of denial and instead gave strong statements against Pakistan despite plenty of evidence.
The repeated incidents reinforcing the presence of high-profile terrorists in Afghanistan make one think that either the Taliban government does not have full control over their territory or they are unwilling to act against the terrorist groups sabotaging the peace and security situation in their neighbouring country.
However, keeping in view the blatant violations of other clauses mentioned in the Doha Agreement, the latter possibility seems more likely, which further raises serious concerns about the Taliban government’s commitment to the Doha Accord.
Pakistan has once again urged the UN Security Council to call on the Taliban government to sever its links with Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan and its associates; prevent them from carrying out cross-border attacks against Pakistan; disarm the Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan terrorists and capture the TTP’s leadership and hand them over to Pakistan.
In case the Afghan Interim Government persists in its current course and doesn’t budge from its stance, this will further exacerbate the already tense relations between both countries. The world community needs to understand the gravity of the situation and rein in the Afghan Taliban for sheltering the militant organizations as it is not only a threat to Pakistan but also to regional peace and stability as the menace of terrorism knows no boundaries. For the Afghan Taliban, honouring the commitments made in the Doha Accord is the only way to redeem themselves and end their prolonged isolation at the international level.
By cooperating in counter-terrorism efforts, the Afghan Interim Government can not only demonstrate their commitment to regional peace but it would also pave the way for the much-needed economic assistance for fighting their domestic challenges, including poverty, unemployment, and a struggling economy. Now, it is upon them to decide whether they want to prioritize harbouring terrorist elements or the well-being of their people.
Exploring ways for a better future
by: Talat Masood| June 26, 2024
Aseefa Bhutto, the young parliamentarian and scion of the Bhutto family, last week made an impressive speech as a part of the debate on the budget for fiscal year 2024-2025. She primarily focused on how the budget would impact on the well-being of the working class and the poor and downtrodden. The presentation did reflect her sensitivities toward the poor cross-section of society, a common positive trait in the Bhutto family. It also indicated it would not be long before she would be an important politician in her own right. Her speech content and mannerism did bear some resemblance of her mother, Benazir Bhutto, who had great compassion and sensitivity toward the poor, which is not a common trait found among elite. It is this quality of hers that endeared her to the masses and left an indelible impression on them.
It is expected that the leadership on both sides of the aisle will prioritise the uplift of the poor and downtrodden. Pakistan can maximise its progress and exploit its potential provided the government focuses on the uplift of the poor and create conditions that could transform their lives. Hopefully, the present and future government’s focus will be on good governance and uplift of the masses. These have been the central planks of political party’s election manifesto but remained largely unrealised. What is disappointing is that there is not sufficient focus on interior Sindh that still remains a deprived region where at places even basic necessities are hard to get. Regrettably, similar hardships are faced by people in Balochistan and in certain places in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa.
The leadership keeps reiterating its commitment to the uplift of the masses. The Planning Commission, in consultation with both sides of the aisle, prepares comprehensive and workable plans but it is primarily in the implementation phase that we are weak. There are other areas such as the emancipation of women and the education of girls that has remained neglected especially in rural areas. The primary reason for these slippages is more fundamental and has to be addressed in a broader perspective. Neglecting these areas has cost the country and the people have badly suffered.
The genuine grievances of the Baloch people need to be addressed. Foremost is to remove the impression that they do not have a say in their provincial matters and its governance is in the hands of leaders from other provinces and the army. They seek for more autonomy and authority vested in their leadership.
Other aspect that is of concern is the deteriorating security in K-P in areas close to the Pak-Afghan border where TTP has stepped up attacks. The security situation in Balochistan has been bad for a long time. People have suffered and it has weakened the capacity for local democracy. The Pak-Afghan porous border will remain an issue unless the Afghan government takes deliberate measures to control it. So far, despite Pakistan’s urgings this has not been the case forcing Pakistan to take preemptive measures.
While the government has to seriously focus on the security situation, it is equally important that the leadership addresses some of the major weaknesses in critical areas particularly the education and health sector. Pakistan will be denied its rightful place in the comity of nations and its people will remain in the tutelage of poverty so long as the education and health sectors remain weak. Developments in space and scientific fields are improving our comprehension of not only the world we live in but the universe. We have the capacity to change and our scientists and engineers have proved it in the development of nuclear and conventional areas provided there is the right focus and fair apportioning of resources.
Fighting among political parties and feeble democratic ethos are a drag on the country and taking a toll on the people. Certainly, these are areas or problems that can be addressed. It would be a defeatist mentality to consider that Pakistan is destined to be where it is. However, the responsibility to correct course rests with the political and military leadership. It is not that we do not know the way to go about it but extraneous and self-interest take precedence. For the political elite of ours to render genuine public service they need both a good level of education and character. We are now living in an age that is very different and this has not fully sunk in our elite. This is so apparent from the policies being pursued and the nature of debate and discussions that take place in parliament or at public forums.
Leaders around the world that have made an impact were those who had gone through the rigours of political involvement whilst continuously educating themselves and learning from others. There is a need for the younger generation of leaders to focus on these aspects for meritocracy to be inculcated in the real sense.
Another character trait that needs to be emphasised is the rights of others and due consideration of their expectations. Our own experience of seventy-six years reminds us of how critical it is for leaders to possess these traits and promote them for the efficiency and prosperity of the nation. It is doubtful if any serious thought is being given to inculcate these virtues in the younger leadership.
Whereas there is a long list of what is to be done to change Pakistan’s destiny but certainly priorities by the government have to be given to areas that are fundamental in changing course in the positive direction. Education is certainly one and the other is improving the security situation. With quality education and higher literacy rates job opportunities within and outside the country are likely to increase. This will contribute toward improving the economy and raise country’s image and standing. Focusing on improving the security situation is critical and this is the most challenging task that the government faces. This would require greater vigilance on the border, close coordination with Afghanistan and improvement in the economic conditions of the people living in tribal areas.
There is no escape from focusing and correcting these weaknesses if Pakistan has to have a better future.
Re-emergence of terror threat
by: Dr Syed Akhtar Ali Shah | June 26, 2024
The signing of Doha Agreement was an indicator of the shifting priorities of the US. Engaged in strategic competition with China and Russia, the US and NATO shifted their focus to Indo-Pacific and Europe. Left to its own fate, Afghanistan, under the Taliban, again started drifting to militancy. Reports alleging Afghanistan’s soil being used for terrorism elsewhere soon started pouring in. Pakistan also voiced concerns over the emerging threats of terrorism from the war-ravished country, causing security concerns in the region, in particular.
The United States Institute of Peace (USIP), in its analytical report released recently, claims that terrorist threats from Afghanistan and Pakistan are increasing. The most worrying part of the report is that Afghanistan provides a conducive environment for terrorist groups. The Khorasan branch of Daesh has also been mentioned as a threat beyond the region.
The report further elaborates: “The group’s final report highlights how a terrorist incident in or emanating from Afghanistan or Pakistan could trigger a regional or international crisis, undermine U.S. alliances, and derail attention from strategic competition.” To avoid such a situation, the report offers preventive, sustainable measures that preserve national security interests without taking focus away from global strategic competition.
Voicing his concern, US House Foreign Affairs Committee Chairman Michael McCaul told The Washington Post, “I got a lot of briefings (about) the rise of the ISIS-K in Afghanistan. We don’t want Afghanistan to become a training ground for Al-Qaeda and ISIS-K again, but that is exactly what is happening, and it will become a threat to the homeland if we don’t pay attention to it.”
In the same vein, Maria Zakharova, a spokesperson for the Russian Foreign Ministry, said: “We would like to draw attention to the high level of interaction between the relevant authorities of Russia and Tajikistan in combating the terrorist threat. The objective basis for this is our similar positions on current issues of the international anti-terrorism and anti-extremism agenda, as well as the existence of common challenges and threats, including those related to the activities of several international terrorist organizations in Afghanistan and their harmful activities in spreading extremist ideology in the countries of the region.”
Although the Islamic Emirate has not commented on the USIP report or the Russian Foreign Ministry, it has previously vehemently denied the presence of terrorist groups on Afghan soil.
The Russian Defence Minister also labelled Afghanistan as a source of instability in Central Asia during a recent security meeting in Kyrgyzstan.
According to the USIP, more than 20 terrorists wings, including ISIS, are active in Afghanistan, significantly disturbing the security in the region. Acute poverty and unemployment provide a fertile environment to the terrorist organisations for recruitment and operations
The US, according to reports, is contemplating implementing a new counterterrorism strategy for Afghanistan and Pakistan with an aim to deal with the rising threats of terrorism from the region. The proposed strategy may not be so expansive like in the past, but would adopt all measures short of intervention with boots. The focus of the strategy is to create deterrence and when necessary to disrupt terrorist threats in Afghanistan and Pakistan that could target the US and its interests overseas as well as its allies and major partners.
Suggestive measures in the USIP report include: continuing to publicly pressure Taliban to mitigate terrorist threats, and maintain communication channels, by adopting a carrot and stick policy; developing a public reporting mechanism to document and disseminate the Taliban’s compliance with the counterterrorism terms outlined in the 2020 Doha Agreement between the US and the Taliban; holding a meeting of regional countries to codify the Taliban’s counterterrorism commitments to each country, adding to the federal terrorism watch list, before sanctioning (under US Executive Order 13324), Taliban leaders and personnel assisting terrorists in the country; and increasing military and intelligence resources dedicated to counterterrorism in Afghanistan and Pakistan but keeping them below the withdrawal level.
The suggestive actions also include lethal action in Afghanistan against the groups intending to plan or are involved in plots against the US homeland and interests; employing drones as show of force against Taliban leaders and other terrorist groups such as al-Qaeda; and take steps to disrupt cyber-communication.
From the aforementioned reports, it can easily be deduced that the region is not only under the radar of superpowers, but the countries of the region also share the same concern. In such a situation, Pakistan is caught between the devil and the deep blue sea. Pressure for escalated action against militants is likely to increase on Pakistan too, apart from Afghanistan. There is thus a likelihood of a rise in terrorist incidents as a reaction. For this, preparedness is imperative. The new developments require a well though-out strategy based on the realisation that it is also a homegrown problem, with connections beyond the borders. Therefore, focus has to be on sleeper and active cells of the militants within the country. Apart from this, the supply chain of the network with connections abroad has to be broken.
Critical days for Modi and Rivals - Jauned Naqvi
by: Jawed Naqvi | June 25, 2024
On this day in 1945, the United Nations (UN) came into force when the five permanent members of the Security Council ratified its charter. This followed a declaration by the UN General Assembly in 1947 which designated May 29 as United Nations Day, by proclaiming that the day would be instrumental in making people aware of the aims and achievements of the UN and to gain their support for its work.
Since its creation, Pakistan has played a significant role as a UN member in bringing peace through active diplomatic, moral and material support in various regions of the world. Therefore, this day reminds one of Pakistan’s armed forces’ contribution in UN peacekeeping measures, during war and peacetime.
Pakistan’s armed forces are considered the best organized institutions, and are highly respected in the country, as since the founding of Pakistan, its military has played a key role in holding the state together, promoting a feeling of nationhood and providing a bastion of selfless service.
Today, Pakistan’s position as one of the largest troop-contributing countries in the world with one of the highest peacekeepers’ casualty figures is testimony to its commitment and endeavours towards promoting the noble cause of global peace. It is not easy to achieve peace in the world’s conflict-ridden areas. However, the Pakistan Army’s history is replete with sacrifices, services to humanity and promoting collective security for human prosperity.
In this regard, Pakistan is a big player in UN peacekeeping forces. Pakistan joined the United Nations on 30 September 1947. Since 1960, it has been actively involved in most of the UN peacekeeping missions. The ajor contributions of the Pakistan Army have been in Congo, Liberia, Somalia, Ivory Coast, Western Sahara, Sierra Leone, Bosnia, Kosovo, Georgia, East Timor Haiti among others. Even at present, more than 8200 troops of the Pakistan Army are engaged in different peacekeeping missions across various volatile countries.
The performance of Pakistani peacekeepers has been recognized worldwide by several world leaders including those of the UN. An undeniable professional standing of Pakistani forces has made them the passion of every special representative of Secretary General and Force Commander in each of UN peacekeeping operations. In this respect, Pakistan’s dedication towards the UN has been acknowledged by UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon who himself visited Pakistan and inaugurated the Centre for International Peace and Stability (CIPS) on 13 August 2013 and praised Pakistan’s efforts in UN peacekeeping missions.
However, Pakistan has participated in 41 UN missions in 23 states where a total 142,542 Pakistani personnel were engaged, starting from the UN Congo Operation in 1960. The Pakistan Army delivered its services there, and contributed in ordnance, transport and staff. It remained in Congo, and provided a battalion group comprising one infantry battalion and supporting elements.
Pakistan’s Armed Forces’ positive contribution in the UN peacekeeping measures reflects Islamabad’s desire to see the principles of human dignity, freedom and self-determination.
For maintaining and monitoring the ceasefire during the transition of West Irian from Dutch rule to Indonesia, Pakistan contributed 1500 infantry troops from 3 October 1962 to 30 April 1963. In a rare acknowledgement of their excellent role, Chinese Premier Chou-En-Lai had said, “The only example in United Nation’s history, when United Nations force had gone …performed its role honestly and came out, was Pakistan’s military contingent to Indonesia.”
Besides, Pakistan’s contribution was in the United Nations Yemen Observer Mission (UNYOM) as a military observer from January to September 1964. Yemen entered a state of civil war in 1962. To ensure that this conflict did not escalate into a global incident, the UN set up its Yemen Observation Mission. And, United Nations Transition Assistance Group in Namibia (UNTAG) was established to assist the special representative of the UN Secretary General to ensure the early independence of Namibia through free and fair elections, and to carry out a number of other duties. For this purpose, 20 military observers from the Pakistan Army performed their duties from 1 April 1989 to 21 March 1990 in Namibia.
Notably, the Pakistan Army played a positive role in the Middle East, and was on the forefront for peace restoration. The United Nations Iraq-Kuwait Observer Mission (UNIKOM) was set up in April 1991, following the forced withdrawal of Iraqi forces from Kuwait. Its task was to monitor the demilitarised zone along the Iraq-Kuwait border and deter border violations. Pakistani forces which helped continued their services there from April 1991 to 2003 were assigned the most difficult area in the north of Kuwait city— reclamation of Bubiyan Island was also entrusted to them. The operation was carried out by a task force of Pakistan Army Engineers. The professionalism and dedication displayed by this force was praised at international level.
While part of the the United Nations Transitional Authority on Cambodia (UNTAC), Pakistan’s military forces carried out peacekeeping operations in the most thorny and remote areas from May 1992 to August 1993. They overcame enormous logistical and operational problems, and proved their courage and determination by defending themselves and those for whom they were sent. Coping with the odds, they handled crisis after crisis and persuaded the warring factions to lay down their arms.
And on the request of the UN in Latin America under the United Nations Mission in Haiti (UNMIH), Pakistan provided one infantry battalion, which arrived in Haiti in March 1995 and was deployed in Cape Haitien— the area faced an extremely volatile security situation and was also the hotbed of political agitation. It discharged its duties with an extensive patrolling programme, covering various regions there.
Nevertheless, Pakistan’s army has worked in difficult terrains and situations for global peace. Now, inside the country, although Pakistan’s armed forces are facing a tough situation in the wake of the war on terror, they are contributing to global peace and prosperity; having still a large presence in various parts of the world.
Now, the major powers must abandon their false propaganda against Pakistan and its Armed Forces, as the latter did more in response to international demands for world peace.
While, in pursuance of Pakistan Army’s unwavering commitment towards international peace, six Pakistani soldiers have sacrificed their lives. In this connection, Five of the six— Tahir Ikram, Tahir Mehmood, Mohammed Naeem, Adil Jan and Mohammed Shafiq were from Pakistan’s armed forces, while the sixth, Ibrar Syed, was a civilian. In this regard, at the UN Headquarters, Secretary-General António Guterres presided over a ceremony at which the Dag Hammarskjöld Medals of Courage were awarded posthumously to 117 military, police and civilian peacekeepers, including six Pakistanis.
In this respect, Pakistan’s UN Ambassador Munir Akram stated: “We are committed to helping the vulnerable communities affected by conflict and will continue to adapt to the changing environment and needs of the peacekeeping operations”.
Nonetheless, Pakistan’s Armed Forces’ positive contribution in the UN peacekeeping measures reflects Islamabad’s desire to see the principles of human dignity, freedom and self-determination.
Third time’s [not]the charm?
by: By Hussain H Zaidi| June 25, 2024
Although it couldn’t prevent Narendra Modi from winning a third back-to-back term, the opposition in India has done a creditable job by cutting him down to size. The man who deserves credit for springing up this electoral shock is undoubtedly Congress leader Rahul Gandhi.
As widely predicted, Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) emerged as the single largest party in the recently concluded Indian elections, winning 240 seats in the 543-member Lok Sabha, the lower house of the Indian parliament. However, contrary to most predictions, it fell well-short of not only a simple majority of 272 but even more of its previous electoral tally of 303 as well (in 2019).
The downswing in the BJP’s fortunes is accompanied by an upswing in that of the Congress, bagging 99 seats compared with 52 that it won in 2019, which had marked the grand old party’s second worst-ever electoral performance after the 2014 debacle when it could win only 44 seats.
The BJP secured 36.5 per cent of the total votes cast down from 37.8 per cent in 2019. The Congress improved its voting share from 19.7 to 21.2 per cent.
Other major players include the Uttar Pradesh (UP)-based Samajwadi Party (SP) and the West Bengal-based All India Trinamool Congress (AITC), currently at the helm in the state, returning from 37 (compared with five in 2019) and 29 (compared with 22 in 2019) constituencies respectively.
Being India’s most populous state, UP has the largest number of seats (80) in the Lok Sabha and historically has tipped the scales in electoral outcomes. Both Modi and Gandhi successfully contested from the state. West Bengal is ranked fourth among the states in terms of population (42 Lok Sabha seats) and historically is marked out for leading political resistance against the powerful.
Both the SP and the AITC, as well as the Congress, are part of the multiparty Indian National Development Inclusive Alliance (INDIA), formed in 2023 to challenge the BJP-led National Democratic Alliance (NDA) in the ensuing elections.
Overall, the NDA secured 293 seats (42.5 per cent of the total votes cast) down from 351 it held previously, whereas INDIA won in 234 constituencies (40.6 per cent of the votes). Neither the NDA nor INDIA contested the polls under a common symbol, as in both cases the constituent parties fielded candidates independently with seat adjustments.
State wise, the BJP swept the polls in Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat (Modi’s home state), Odisha, Assam and New Delhi (union territory). Although the party won more seats from UP (33) than from any other state, it was pipped by the SP.
In Punjab and Tamil Nadu, it failed to secure a single seat. In all, compared with 2019, in 2024 the BJP lost 29 seats in UP, 14 in Maharashtra, 10 in Rajasthan, six in West Bengal, five each in Bihar and Haryana, three in Jharkhand, and two in Punjab. Thus, it is in the Hindi-speaking belt (UP, Bihar, Rajasthan, Haryana, etc), which has been the BJP’s power base over the years, that it has suffered reversals. How can we account for the ruling party’s below par performance?
The Indian economy is undoubtedly the headline contributor. Modi has presided over fast economic growth. Between 2014 and 2018, the economy grew on average 7.4 per cent a year, while for the period 2019-2023, the average annual growth slowed down to 4.4 per cent mainly due to Covid-induced 5.8 per cent economic contraction in 2020.
India is at present the world’s fifth-largest economy and, at current growth rates, is poised to overtake Germany and Japan in a matter of years to become the third largest, only behind the US and China.
At the same time, the BJP’s pro-rich economic policies have put India on course to becoming an oligopoly (to many an Ambani-Adani duopoly). Not only have they benefited mega-industrial houses at the expense of small and medium enterprises, they have neglected the agricultural sector as well in a predominantly rural nation. Having forced the Modi government into repealing the three ‘anti-farmer’ laws in 2021, farmers were back on the roads earlier this year, seeking legally mandatory purchase prices for all crops.
Not surprisingly, international organizations frequently point to India as a textbook example of a highly skewed income distribution. According to the Global Wealth Report, 2023, a publication of Switzerland-based Credit Suisse, the top 1.0 per cent in India, which make up only 0.07 per cent of the total adult population, accounted for 41 per cent of the total national wealth in 2022, up from 40.5 and 40.6 per cent respectively in 2020 and 2021.
By this standard, India has the second highest – only behind Brazil – wealth inequality among the major economies. India’s Gini Index, a widely used measure of income or wealth inequality, was 82.6 per cent, up from 82.2 per cent in 2020 and 82.3 per cent in 2021, which is among the highest in the world. At the other end of the scale, 78 per cent of the adult population in India has wealth below $10,000.
The growing economic disparities were a stick with which the opposition beat the ruling party in the run-up to the elections. It was partly against the ‘trickle-down’ policies that Rahul Gandhi organized his ‘Bharat Joro Yatra’ (Unite India March) from September 2022 to January 2023. In both cases, the opposition questioned the utility of rapid economic growth if it benefited only a small section of society at the expense of the vast majority.
Since its establishment, the BJP has thrived on the Hindutva narrative: that India must be a strong, unified state fashioned on Hindu values with total domination of the majority community. The rise of the BJP and the eclipse of the Congress has set the stage for Hindutva to replace secularism as the dominant ethos of the Indian polity. In Modi, the party has a leader who is a picture-perfect personification of its Hindutva narrative and all it signifies.
He has made Indians believe, the way none before him could, that for centuries Hindus despite being in a veritable majority have been humiliated in their homeland and that now it is time to turn the tide. During the 2024 election campaign, Modi and his leaders made it a point to whip up the anti-Muslim sentiments.
It will be premature to infer from the emaciation of the BJP that the electorate has rejected its divisive or identity politics. It seems that the core BJP supporters have remained loyal to the party, otherwise it wouldn’t have returned as the single largest party. At any rate, Hindutva is so deeply rooted in Indian polity that it will take decades to uproot it.
In South Asian politics, men (and women) are as important as measures. Thus finally, we come to the man who more than anyone else made a divided opposition and its supporters believe that Modi is not invincible. Rahul Gandhi’s ‘yatra’, during which he travelled more than 4,000km across the country on foot, did much to set the stage for making a common cause against the BJP’s divisive politics and growing economic inequalities. Not only that, it also served to bolster his image, whom his rivals would derisively brand as a ‘shahzada’ (a prince) and ‘pappu’ (callow), who was no match for an austere and hardy Modi. It also sent out the message that despite its back-to-back electoral reversals, India’s grand old party was still politically relevant. The yatra thus gave the Congress and the rest of the opposition a new narrative, which in the end they employed successfully.
Having humbled Modi, the new, and more uphill task, for Gandhi will be to keep the opposition – which represents a hotchpotch of political and ethnic interests – united. India is a country where coalitions and alliances are not particularly known for their longevity, especially when the other side has both state support and bags full of money backed by a loyal and vociferous, if not yobbish, corporate media.
In any event, Gandhi has established himself as one who upheld the cause of secularism and equality in one of the most ethnically diverse countries and largest economies in the world.
Unemployment in Balochistan
by: Manahil Bazai | June 25, 2024
Human resource development significantly contributes to the economic growth and productivity of a nation. Achieving socioeconomic development is not possible without managing the youth bulge and catering to them with skill development initiatives. Skilled individuals are of paramount significance for sustainable growth and development. They drive innovation and bring in new technologies, products, and services that significantly contribute to economic diversification by allowing several industries to flourish and come out of the traditional trap. As a result, it reduces vulnerability to socioeconomic issues and enhances resilience. In this regard, Balochistan is lagging behind the other provinces in several socioeconomic indicators despite having the potential. Its educated youth is increasingly feeling frustrated because years of university cannot guarantee them a job to make ends meet. This is due to several reasons that include a lack of industry-education linkages, limited market-based and technical skills, and a dearth of entrepreneurial programs.
In 2021, approximately 25000 students of Balochistan graduated from different universities in Pakistan and merely 2000 students were able to secure jobs in the public and private sectors. The labor force survey of 2021 shows that Balochistan has the highest unemployment rate among other provinces in Pakistan, reaching 9.13%. This is primarily due to the lack of job opportunities in the province and the non-existent private sector. Another reason for this high rate is the disconnect between industry and universities. This impedes students from exploring their respective fields in the practical realm leading to limited knowledge about practical implications. When these students graduate from university, they usually rely on government jobs that are very limited in commensuration with the graduates entering the market each year. Industries and academic institutions should collaborate to start taking proactive measures to address these shortages. Several widely recognized and readily attainable remedies include a well-designed internship program that can provide industry-based experience and skills.
One of the contributing factors to this unemployment is the lack of market-based skills in the graduates. Some disciplines in universities are being taught but have less relevance to the skills demanded in the market. The theoretical side is more focused than the practical one. These institutions have not enabled the students to acquire market-essential skills. According to the International Labor Organization (ILO), the labor force participation rate of youth in the province is 44.44% which is the lowest in Pakistan. One of the reasons is that the graduates often migrate to other provinces for better opportunities in the private sector and end up in the trap of low-paid jobs and turn out in hopelessness. Thus, the institutions must recognize the significance of skills and design a mechanism that allows students to acquire skills that are necessary for survival in the uncertain labor market in Balochistan.
Keeping the economic situation of Pakistan in general and Balochistan in particular, it is the need of the hour to have skilled youth that creates opportunities for themselves and others as well. For this to be practical the authorities and educational institutions must play their role. All educational institutions should implement major structural changes, primarily at the bachelor’s degree level, to support and empower our children to meet the demands of the labor market. To expand the students’ skill set, the institutes should also introduce and include them in a variety of skill development activities. Students should be encouraged to work alongside studies that will allow them to acquire professional skills before their graduation.
Entrepreneurial culture should be promoted in educational institutions. Currently, the National Incubation Centre, Quetta at BUTIEMS is playing a significant role in empowering the entrepreneurs in the province. In the past three years startups from 22 districts have been attracted by NIC, a clear indication of its role in encouraging entrepreneurial culture. Since 2018, it has graduated 65 startups that have generated 480 jobs with cumulative sales of approximately 86 million rupees and investment of 68 million rupees. The authorities must encourage the development of such kind of institutions that promote innovation and create self-employed people through entrepreneurship. There is a need for a behavioral change to shift ourselves from the mentality of Sarkari Naukri “Government Job” towards entrepreneurship. In the short run, the authorities should increase the allocation for skills development and entrepreneurship. On the other hand, in the long run, educational institutions should play their role by making entrepreneurial ventures as a crucial element of their overall educational structure.
War Against Resurging Terrorism
by: Faisal Ahmad| May 25, 2024
Recent terrorist attacks in Pakistan are serving the stark reminder of clear and present security threats emanating from Afghan soil. The recurrence of terrorist attacks with alarmingly short intervals and extreme precision indicates the availability of ample support to the terrorists from some very powerful players.
Undeniably, recurring terrorist attacks are aimed at sabotaging the Pak-China bilateral ties. The terrorist outfits involved in these attacks and their handlers are trying to derail the projects linked with CPEC to dent the economic stability of Pakistan.
Armed forces are playing a key role in the war against terrorism. Recent successful counter-terrorism operations have swiftly avenged the precious blood of defenders. Intelligence agencies diligently tracked down and targeted the terrorists along with their facilitators hiding in underground shelters. Complex intelligence-led counter-terrorism operation speaks volumes about the professionalism of the intelligence and law enforcement agencies.
Security experts are rightly intrigued that from where these terrorist groups acquire sophisticated weapons, training, intelligence support and foot soldiers. It was revealed by CTD Baluchistan that local ethno-lingual Baloch separatist outfits and Afghanistan-based religiously motivated extremist factions of banned TTP are forming collaborations to expand the terror networks. This is taking place from Afghanistan with the full support of the Indian agency RAW. India, being a blue-eyed ally of anti-China Western powers and all-weather rival of Pakistan, has all the reasons to derail the CPEC-related projects. Soft corner prevailing in the Interim Afghan government about militant groups is a kind of much-needed bonus for any power interested in hiring foot soldiers.
The terrorist outfits involved in these attacks and their handlers are trying to derail the projects linked with CPEC.
Such penetrating and precise attacks cannot be executed without the support of a power having deep pockets and larger designs. Rapid sliding of Afghanistan down the slope on account of cross-border terrorism, human rights violations and gender discrimination against women has been a source of constant trouble for regional players.
An epicentre of terrorism like Afghanistan under the unrecognized unelected regime of the Taliban would continue to endanger regional security on many accounts. Pakistan is on a course to straighten up matters with Afghanistan without tolerating the nonsensical acts.
The interim Taliban regime should weigh out the consequences of hurting the interests of neighbours like Pakistan and China. It will not be easy for Afghanistan to move ahead while carrying on her back the baggage of internationally banned terrorist outfits, foreign-sponsored proxies and freelance extremist foot soldiers.
The clear stance of Pakistan about the troublesome presence of banned TTP on Afghan soil is getting validated with every passing day. Recently Pakistan’s envoy to the UN has reminded the Interim Afghan government about her unfulfilled commitments on the issue of cross-border terrorism. The official stance of the Interim Afghan government is detrimental to regional peace and damaging the fragile bilateral ties.
Saner quarters in Afghan Taliban ranks oppose the idea of supporting anti-Pakistan outfits but advocates of the opposite opinion are prevailing so far. A long list of terrorist groups thriving on Afghan soil comprising TTP along with numerous splinter factions (like Hafiz Gul Bahadur group, Jamaat ul Ehrar etc), Al-Qaeda and IS-KP is a point of worry for all neighbours. Pakistan, being a major sufferer of turmoil in Afghanistan, cannot turn a blind eye to the ongoing security crisis. This need is being strongly felt that all state institutions including police, judiciary, legislature and media should play a more active role. The news is very alarming that after a court order, communication companies have stopped sharing information about suspected criminals with the police.
As a result, terrorists and perpetrators are now enjoying a sort of relief due to the consequential hampering of investigations of important cases. This undesired situation demands the implementation of more coordinated and effective measures which should add to the efficiency and effectiveness of law enforcement and intelligence agencies in combating terrorist groups. Sacrifices of civilian and uniformed persons should not go in vain.
The recent decision to launch a new counter-terrorism operation Azm-e-Istehkam reflects the firm resolve of decision-makers to catch the bull by the horns. Hue and cry on this sensitive issue from opposition benches in the national assembly is condemnable. National stability is at stake amid the terrorism surge and any politicized division would hurt the counter-terrorism efforts. Cross-border terrorism is affecting foreign direct investments, mining activities and CPEC projects.
Security concerns expressed by the Chinese minister during recently held joint consultative meeting is a strong indicator of worsening threats. Government should take initiative to build solid consensus with opposition and remove all irritants hindering the national counter terrorism efforts.
The Power Of The Global Halal Industry
by: Syed Atiq ul Hassan | June 25, 2024
Since opening to foreign trade, and investment, and implementing free-market reforms in 1979, China has become one of the world’s fastest-growing economies. The World Bank describes China’s economic growth, averaging 9.5 percent annually through 2018, as “the fastest sustained expansion by a major economy in history.” In just two decades, China’s economic revolution has lifted 800 million citizens out of poverty, doubling its GDP every eight years through robust global trade and exports.
Today, China stands as a formidable superpower, rivalling other global giants. Its dominance lies not just in defence technology but in its unparalleled economic prowess. China’s journey from an economic power to a technological and manufacturing genius offers a blueprint for the Muslim world. The global Muslim population, 1.9 billion strong and growing, can learn from China’s model to elevate its economic and geopolitical standing through the Halal industry.
Muslims make up 24.1 per cent of the world’s population, numbering 1.9 billion, with a majority in 57 countries. Seventy-three per cent of the world’s Muslim population lives in countries where Muslims are the majority, while 27 per cent live in countries where Muslims are the minority.
The world’s Muslim population is growing twice as fast as the non-Muslim population.
The world’s Muslim population is growing twice as fast as the non-Muslim population. In the next ten years, the annual growth rate of Muslims is expected to increase from 0.7 per cent to 1.5 per cent. According to a PEW research study, if this trend continues, Muslims will make up around 27 per cent of the world’s total projected population of 8.3 billion by 2030.
More than 20 per cent of the world’s Muslim population lives in non-Muslim countries, particularly in the West. Muslims are the fastest-growing community in many Western countries, have a higher fertility rate, and migrate from their homelands due to the political turbulence and ethnic clashes in their homelands.
The population of Muslims in the United States is expected to double in the next twenty years, rising from 2.6 million to 6.2 million by 2030. In Europe, the Muslim population is expected to grow by 33 per cent over the next hundred years, rising from 44 million to 58 million by 2030.
Despite diverse geographic locations and cultural contexts, Muslims are bound together by a shared identity as the Muslim Ummah. The demand for Halal food, products and services transcends national borders and political boundaries. Whether in majority-Muslim countries or as minorities in non-Muslim states, Muslims strive to uphold their faith by seeking out Halal food, products, and services in their lifestyle. This pursuit reflects a deep-seated commitment to following the tenets of Islam and living by its principles, regardless of a non-Islamic environment.
The rising demand for Halal food, products, and services embodies the unity and solidarity within the global Muslim Ummah.
Today, many Muslim-majority countries face numerous problems, including economic decline, inflation, manufacturing industry downturns, and job opportunity crises. On the other hand, there are financially rich and economically strong Islamic states.
If Muslims follow the concept of the Global Ummah as consumers of Halal food, products, and services, Islamic states can play an effective role in establishing a global Halal industry consortium to boost the Halal economy. The Muslim Ummah can establish a global organization to strengthen poorer Muslim countries through Halal trade, manufacturing, and marketing, thereby boosting their exports.
In today’s modern world, the success of manufacturing and trade industries has brought economic revolutions in many countries like Singapore, Vietnam, Taiwan, Bangladesh, Malaysia, Indonesia, and India, enlisting them among rising nations. Unfortunately, the Organization of the Islamic Cooperation (OIC) has failed to focus on similar lines. The self-centred view of OIC guardians has even failed to resolve political and geopolitical issues in Islamic countries. The OIC has not yet made notable efforts to promote the Halal industry in developing and underdeveloped Muslim states. Otherwise, the increased demand would create more business, trade, and production. Today, the Halal market is one of the fastest-growing consumer segments in the world, with an estimated worth of $2.3 trillion. The global growth rate of the Halal industry is estimated at 20 per cent – or about $560 billion annually, yet this growth is not seen in poorer Muslim countries.
Many international companies are owned by Muslims. For the sake of uplifting the economies of their fellow Muslim countries, they should invest in the Halal industry in poor Muslim-majority countries, particularly in African countries. They should invest in the Halal industry in their countries and other poor Muslim countries to uplift the living conditions of Muslims living below the poverty line while building the Muslim Ummah as an economic force in the world.
This Halal industry as a global economic force can play an effective role in negotiating political and geopolitical issues for Muslim nations, such as the major issues of freedom for Palestine, independence for Kashmir, human rights for Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar, and ethnic conflicts in Burkina Faso, Chad, Sudan, Niger, Mauritania, and Mali. The rich Middle Eastern Muslim states must invest money and boost the Halal industry in these countries. This will serve multiple purposes, including uplifting human development in these countries and enabling them to find opportunities to export their Halal food and products to other nations.
Similarly, Muslim business tycoons in the US, Europe, Australia, Canada, and the UK can play effective roles in investing in the Halal industry in their countries. There is a need in these and non-Islamic countries to educate their citizens about the scientific and trade benefits of using Halal food, products, and services.
Regarding the Halal industry in non-Muslim countries, more work is required by Halal industry players, Islamic scholars, and leaders. They should work closely and establish communication with their local governments and related authorities to form a regulatory body for the Halal industry and trade export. For example, Australia is one of the top exporters of Halal meat but lacks a regulatory government body to oversee and boost the Halal industry in the local market and export.
Today, countries with strong economic status are ruling those struggling with their economic conditions due to a lack of export manufacturing industries.
Muslims as a global Ummah can learn from China. To formalize the above concept, it is necessary to build a global Halal industry consortium or an international organization. For example, rich and economically strong Islamic countries can take the initiative to build a Global Halal Trade Organization (GHTO). The aim of the GHTO can be to provide sustainable solutions to its members, share resources, and offer loans and grants to Halal industries and businesses, making them stronger and helping them in Halal manufacturing and international trade. Certainly, establishing a global Halal organization will be a challenging task that will need to fulfil local procedural requirements and follow policies. However, this can be negotiated with individual countries by strong GHTO operators.
Rich Islamic countries like Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, Oman, Bahrain, and Brunei Darussalam can play an effective role as the main operators of GHTO. These countries can offer financial support by initially pouring money into the organization. The GHTO can provide interest-free (Halal) loans to Halal industries and businesses in poor and developing countries in easy instalments. These loans can be recovered from easy instalments depending on the financial returns of the loan recipients.
Similarly, countries like Malaysia, Indonesia, and other economically better-off Islamic countries can provide their expertise in various areas of Halal manufacturing, processing, and marketing. Even large international Halal companies in non-Islamic countries, especially those run by Muslim owners and entrepreneurs, can help needy Halal factories and businesses in poor and developing countries. By working on these proposed lines, rich Islamic countries and international Muslim tycoon companies can formalize a workable solution for the Global Halal Trade Organization (GHTO) to become a global Halal trade power with its main hub in monetarily strong countries and branches in strong Islamic and non-Islamic countries.
In conclusion, the establishment of a Global Halal Trade Organization (GHTO) can harness the economic potential of the Muslim Ummah. By leveraging the collective resources and expertise of rich and developing Muslim-majority countries, the GHTO can elevate the economic status of poorer Muslim nations, foster unity, and create a formidable global Halal industry.
This collaborative effort will not only uplift the living standards of Muslims worldwide but also strengthen their political and geopolitical influence on the international stage.
Implications of re-engaging Afghan Taliban
by: Dr Moonis Ahmar | June 25, 2024
The talks on Afghanistan initiated by Secretary General Antonio Guterres in May 2023 in Doha were not attended by the Afghan Taliban. They had expressed reservations for not being invited to the first round of talks which prompted them to boycott the second round. The participation of Afghan civil society groups provoked the Taliban to boycott Doha talks. Now, Afghan civil society groups have announced their boycott of Doha talks criticising the UN for inviting the Taliban regime. The Afghan Taliban decided to attend the third round of Doha talks because of the dividends they expect to achieve.
Taliban spokesperson Zabihullah Mujahid made it clear that “a delegation of the Islamic Emirate will represent Afghanistan there and express Afghanistan’s position. The talks’ agenda appeared beneficial to Afghanistan because it includes topics such as aid for Afghanistan and creating opportunities for investors which are important.” If the temptation on the part of Taliban regime is to use Doha talks for economic benefits while ignoring massive human rights violations and an exclusive mode of governance, they may be mistaken. Human Rights Watch’s Associate Women Rights Director Heather Barr while talking to AFP lamented that “the world must provide platforms for the people and women of Afghanistan to discuss the future of their country. It is unthinkable that diplomats could gather to discuss Afghanistan in the middle of such a crisis and do so without women’s rights being the main issue on the agenda and Afghan women being full participations in discussion. Still, they are not heard because the world is interacting anyway with the Taliban, even if they say they do not recognize them.”
Inviting the Taliban government as the sole spokesman of Afghanistan in the third round of Doha talks is contradictory in nature. When the UN has not granted legitimacy to Afghan Taliban, why did the UN Under-Secretary General for Political and Peace building Affairs, Rosemary Di Carlo, extend an invitation to Taliban Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi to participate in Doha talks? It has been almost three years since the Taliban took over the reins of power in Afghanistan and imposed an exclusive regime denying women, minorities and opposition any role in statecraft. If China, Russia and other countries disregard the legitimate position of Taliban regime and grant de facto recognition, why are the UN and other wielders of global power silent and following a policy of appeasement to a group which has usurped power and imposed its parochial mode of governance?
When the first Taliban regime (1996-2001) was recognised by Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and the UAE, they were not granted a seat at the UN and no other country had granted legitimacy to them. Now, the second Taliban regime which controls 100% of the territory of Afghanistan also lacks recognition by the world, except for a handful of countries who want to engage with them for their own interests. The present Taliban regime is wise enough in giving the impression to the world that they are tolerant to dissent and respect the rights of women. But, realities on the ground are different as evident from the reports by several human rights organisations which highlight the denial of legitimate rights to women and coercion of non-conformist groups. It is yet to be seen how the Afghan Foreign Minister and his delegation will react to possible criticism about severe human rights violations and harsh curbs imposed on Afghan girls and women for seeking education, employment and travel without a male companion.
Suffocation in Afghanistan is so visible and there is no foreseeable possibility of the Taliban regime implementing Doha Accord of February 2020 in which they had pledged to respect rights of women and form an inclusive government. Certainly, there is a remote likelihood of Russia and China, the two main supporters of Taliban regime, changing their stance and exerting pressure on Afghan Taliban to adopt a flexible approach vis-à-vis issues which tend to augment their unpopularity. By re-engaging them, they expect to moderate the Taliban regime.
The UN policy to re-engage the Taliban regime will have three major implications.
First, the message which is given to the world for re-engaging Taliban will be highly negative except few countries wishing to grant legitimacy to the Kabul regime. When the Afghan Taliban who had signed the Doha Accord reneged from their commitment to be part of a political process and establish an inclusive government accommodating cross sections of society, it led to a serious trust deficit. After capturing power in August 2021, Taliban refused to follow a moderate approach and reverted to the policies they had adopted in their first regime by suppressing women and minorities. When a majority of UN members have refused to grant legitimacy to the Taliban regime because of their way of governance, how can their participation in the third round of Doha talks be fruitful? Taliban neither believe in political pluralism nor constitution or democracy and adhere to their narrow version of Shariah. As a result their isolation from the rest of the world continues till today.
Second, Taliban participation in Doha talks will further alienate opposition groups particularly women and human rights organisations who view the Kabul regime as repressive. However, the Afghan opposition groups have failed to mobilise the masses against the coercive and repressive policies of the Taliban regime. The regimes inducted in Kabul following 9/11 with the support of American and other Western powers may have been dependent on foreign forces, but both Hamid Karzai and Ashraf Ghani had arranged elections and governed through a democratic process, even if symbolic. Whereas, the Taliban failed to take a first step to seek popular legitimacy and continue to follow repressive mode of governance.
Finally, if the Taliban delegation to Doha manages to convince the UN and other participants about their success in establishing peace in Afghanistan and focusing on development, they will be able to broaden their international space.
BRICS: emergence of polycentric, multimodal harmonic world
by: Shazia Anwer Cheema | June 25, 2024
On the other hand, the BRICS meeting of foreign ministers took place between 10–11 June 2024 in Russia and unveiled the agenda of the forthcoming BRICS heads of state meeting in October that would decide on a new banking system and around 20 other initiatives for supporting health sector, economy, transport, tourism, trade, industrial collaboration and others. The year 2024 can be considered the year of BRICS, as a series of events planned in 2024, and will continue till the Head of State Summit, which will take place on 22–24 October 2024 in Russia. Though statements released after the foreign ministers meeting encompassed important global issues like the Ukraine conflict and Gaza, at the same time it avoided indulging in global political conflicts. Nonetheless, the western media stated that BRICS is enhancing the ‘North-South divide’ and pitching its global narrative, which is in contradiction with a western global viewpoint. During the first decade of the 21st century, the buzzword was ‘clash of civilizations’ and now the expression of ‘divide’ has taken its place. Everybody knows that the North has different roots of civilization than the South, thereby the narrative is the same but with new phraseologies and with new presumed enemies.
The emergence of the Global South is painted as ‘something serious’ and ‘needs immediate response from the Global North.’ Against this backdrop, Saudi’s denial of renewal of the Saudi-US oil deal is seen as an ‘act of defiance’ to the Global North. The deal expired on June 9, 2024 but both parties are still negotiating to find some way forward. Originally signed on 8 June 1974, the deal established two joint commissions: one based on economic cooperation and the other on Saudi Arabia’s military needs. This deal introduced a new diction of ‘petrodollar,’ and now Saudi Arabia regrets renewing the deal so it could sell oil in other currencies also, rather than only in US dollars. Now, the western media claims that global diversification is threatening the Westernisation of global politics as well as the Western economies, although in reality new morphology of the new emerging world order extensively used in BRICS summits are Poly-centric, Multi Modal and Multipolar Harmonic World.
I think that old-styled Western thinkers must accept changing scenarios and forget the historical context where the border West was inevitable, as much has changed since then and the world looks altogether different from the post-Cold War era. The West has long maintained its hegemony but due to their overconfidence they made irreversible errors, the list is extensive but the withdrawal of allied forces from Afghanistan, the forthcoming defeat in Ukraine, and the tarnished reputation as a result of relentless support for Israel, should be considered reality checks instead of pitching the Global South as a rival. Independent voices within media promote the idea that a pluralistic overview of IRs is needed as empirical case studies show how concepts and theories are changing. The dollar is no more the only option as euros, yen and yuan are replacing it. Additionally, the potential use of digital currencies may also be a reality soon. In the BRICS meeting that took place in June, leaders discussed the idea of “unit,” a unique currency model that will allow individuals and countries to trade in units. The structure of the trade via unit is not disclosed yet, however, the plan can open new trade venues by ignoring the US dollar. Today, it is Saudi Arabia and tomorrow it can be any country that can find its way out of dollarisation.
Founded in 2006, BRICS now has three out of five nuclear powers and two out of five veto powers that are offering a ‘real free market economy’ ¬ free from the US dollar as well as US economic sanctions. China, India, Brazil, South Africa and Russia brought BRICS as an option for the weaker global players and Egypt, Iran, the UAE, Saudi Arabia and Ethiopia joined them while Bahrain, Belarus, Venezuela, Kazakhstan, Cuba, Laos, Mauritania, Thailand, Turkey and Sri Lanka are waiting for their full membership.
The catch in BRICS is that it is not a bloc formation of the Global South as style vintage monopoly used to be, so Europe is welcome to join provided it is ready to be treated equally because BRICS is a high-speed train on route to create a polycentric, multimodal harmonic world. This means that the Western tradition of expansionism has no space in it and has therefore left the West with two choices: either to continue becoming irrelevant for the global majority or to accept polycentricity of the new world order.
Pakistan’s Armed Forces’ Contribution to UN peacekeeping
by: Sajjad Shaukat| May 29, 2024
On this day in 1945, the United Nations (UN) came into force when the five permanent members of the Security Council ratified its charter. This followed a declaration by the UN General Assembly in 1947 which designated May 29 as United Nations Day, by proclaiming that the day would be instrumental in making people aware of the aims and achievements of the UN and to gain their support for its work.
Since its creation, Pakistan has played a significant role as a UN member in bringing peace through active diplomatic, moral and material support in various regions of the world. Therefore, this day reminds one of Pakistan’s armed forces’ contribution in UN peacekeeping measures, during war and peacetime.
Pakistan’s armed forces are considered the best organized institutions, and are highly respected in the country, as since the founding of Pakistan, its military has played a key role in holding the state together, promoting a feeling of nationhood and providing a bastion of selfless service.
Today, Pakistan’s position as one of the largest troop-contributing countries in the world with one of the highest peacekeepers’ casualty figures is testimony to its commitment and endeavours towards promoting the noble cause of global peace. It is not easy to achieve peace in the world’s conflict-ridden areas. However, the Pakistan Army’s history is replete with sacrifices, services to humanity and promoting collective security for human prosperity.
In this regard, Pakistan is a big player in UN peacekeeping forces. Pakistan joined the United Nations on 30 September 1947. Since 1960, it has been actively involved in most of the UN peacekeeping missions. The ajor contributions of the Pakistan Army have been in Congo, Liberia, Somalia, Ivory Coast, Western Sahara, Sierra Leone, Bosnia, Kosovo, Georgia, East Timor Haiti among others. Even at present, more than 8200 troops of the Pakistan Army are engaged in different peacekeeping missions across various volatile countries.
The performance of Pakistani peacekeepers has been recognized worldwide by several world leaders including those of the UN. An undeniable professional standing of Pakistani forces has made them the passion of every special representative of Secretary General and Force Commander in each of UN peacekeeping operations. In this respect, Pakistan’s dedication towards the UN has been acknowledged by UN Secretary General Ban Ki Moon who himself visited Pakistan and inaugurated the Centre for International Peace and Stability (CIPS) on 13 August 2013 and praised Pakistan’s efforts in UN peacekeeping missions.
However, Pakistan has participated in 41 UN missions in 23 states where a total 142,542 Pakistani personnel were engaged, starting from the UN Congo Operation in 1960. The Pakistan Army delivered its services there, and contributed in ordnance, transport and staff. It remained in Congo, and provided a battalion group comprising one infantry battalion and supporting elements.
Pakistan’s Armed Forces’ positive contribution in the UN peacekeeping measures reflects Islamabad’s desire to see the principles of human dignity, freedom and self-determination.
For maintaining and monitoring the ceasefire during the transition of West Irian from Dutch rule to Indonesia, Pakistan contributed 1500 infantry troops from 3 October 1962 to 30 April 1963. In a rare acknowledgement of their excellent role, Chinese Premier Chou-En-Lai had said, “The only example in United Nation’s history, when United Nations force had gone …performed its role honestly and came out, was Pakistan’s military contingent to Indonesia.”
Besides, Pakistan’s contribution was in the United Nations Yemen Observer Mission (UNYOM) as a military observer from January to September 1964. Yemen entered a state of civil war in 1962. To ensure that this conflict did not escalate into a global incident, the UN set up its Yemen Observation Mission. And, United Nations Transition Assistance Group in Namibia (UNTAG) was established to assist the special representative of the UN Secretary General to ensure the early independence of Namibia through free and fair elections, and to carry out a number of other duties. For this purpose, 20 military observers from the Pakistan Army performed their duties from 1 April 1989 to 21 March 1990 in Namibia.
Notably, the Pakistan Army played a positive role in the Middle East, and was on the forefront for peace restoration. The United Nations Iraq-Kuwait Observer Mission (UNIKOM) was set up in April 1991, following the forced withdrawal of Iraqi forces from Kuwait. Its task was to monitor the demilitarised zone along the Iraq-Kuwait border and deter border violations. Pakistani forces which helped continued their services there from April 1991 to 2003 were assigned the most difficult area in the north of Kuwait city— reclamation of Bubiyan Island was also entrusted to them. The operation was carried out by a task force of Pakistan Army Engineers. The professionalism and dedication displayed by this force was praised at international level.
While part of the the United Nations Transitional Authority on Cambodia (UNTAC), Pakistan’s military forces carried out peacekeeping operations in the most thorny and remote areas from May 1992 to August 1993. They overcame enormous logistical and operational problems, and proved their courage and determination by defending themselves and those for whom they were sent. Coping with the odds, they handled crisis after crisis and persuaded the warring factions to lay down their arms.
And on the request of the UN in Latin America under the United Nations Mission in Haiti (UNMIH), Pakistan provided one infantry battalion, which arrived in Haiti in March 1995 and was deployed in Cape Haitien— the area faced an extremely volatile security situation and was also the hotbed of political agitation. It discharged its duties with an extensive patrolling programme, covering various regions there.
Nevertheless, Pakistan’s army has worked in difficult terrains and situations for global peace. Now, inside the country, although Pakistan’s armed forces are facing a tough situation in the wake of the war on terror, they are contributing to global peace and prosperity; having still a large presence in various parts of the world.
Now, the major powers must abandon their false propaganda against Pakistan and its Armed Forces, as the latter did more in response to international demands for world peace.
While, in pursuance of Pakistan Army’s unwavering commitment towards international peace, six Pakistani soldiers have sacrificed their lives. In this connection, Five of the six— Tahir Ikram, Tahir Mehmood, Mohammed Naeem, Adil Jan and Mohammed Shafiq were from Pakistan’s armed forces, while the sixth, Ibrar Syed, was a civilian. In this regard, at the UN Headquarters, Secretary-General António Guterres presided over a ceremony at which the Dag Hammarskjöld Medals of Courage were awarded posthumously to 117 military, police and civilian peacekeepers, including six Pakistanis.
In this respect, Pakistan’s UN Ambassador Munir Akram stated: “We are committed to helping the vulnerable communities affected by conflict and will continue to adapt to the changing environment and needs of the peacekeeping operations”.
Nonetheless, Pakistan’s Armed Forces’ positive contribution in the UN peacekeeping measures reflects Islamabad’s desire to see the principles of human dignity, freedom and self-determination.
Navigating the energy crisis amid global warming
by: Tanzeel Khanzada| May 29, 2024
In the global discourse on climate change, Pakistan often finds itself at the crossroads. Situated in a region already grappling with environmental challenges, the nation’s role in carbon emissions cannot be overlooked. With a burgeoning population and an energy sector in crisis, Pakistan stands at a critical juncture where its decisions will significantly impact not only its own future but also the global fight against climate change.
Pakistan’s carbon emissions may be minimal, but its environmental struggles loom large. The country’s connection to the Himalayan glaciers underscores this dilemma as they steadily dwindle from warming temperatures. Climate change is not a distant threat; it’s here, reshaping our world.
The energy sector in Pakistan is beset with challenges, ranging from outdated infrastructure to inefficient governance. Power shortages are a common occurrence, leading to widespread discontent among citizens and hindering economic growth. The crisis is further compounded by the burden of circular debt, which has plagued the sector for years, impeding investment in renewable energy alternatives. As a result, Pakistan finds itself caught in a vicious cycle where the pursuit of short-term energy solutions perpetuates long-term environmental harm.
The connection between Pakistan’s energy sector crisis and global warming is unmistakable. By perpetuating reliance on fossil fuels, Pakistan not only exacerbates its own environmental challenges but also contributes to the broader issue of climate change. The impacts of global warming are already being felt across the country, from more frequent and severe heat waves to erratic monsoon patterns, posing existential threats to vulnerable communities.
However, amidst these challenges lies an opportunity for Pakistan to chart a more sustainable path forward. The country possesses immense potential for renewable energy development, particularly in solar and wind power. With abundant sunlight and wind resources, investing in renewable energy infrastructure could not only reduce Pakistan’s carbon emissions but also create new avenues for economic growth and job creation.
Furthermore, international cooperation and support are crucial in this endeavour. Pakistan alone cannot address the complex challenges of climate change and energy transition. Collaboration with global partners, including technology transfer and financial assistance, can accelerate the adoption of clean energy solutions and help Pakistan meet its climate commitments under the Paris Agreement.
Pakistan faces a critical juncture where its decisions on carbon emissions, energy crisis, and climate change will shape its future profoundly. Urgent action is needed to address these challenges, with a focus on investing in renewable energy, improving governance in the energy sector, and enhancing resilience to climate impacts. The stakes are high, but by seizing opportunities for sustainable development and international collaboration, Pakistan can pave the way for a brighter, greener future for its people and the planet.
Moreover, addressing the energy sector crisis requires a comprehensive approach that tackles systemic issues such as governance, transparency, and accountability. Reforms aimed at improving efficiency, reducing wastage, and promoting renewable energy investments are imperative to break the cycle of circular debt and ensure a sustainable energy future for Pakistan.
The consequences of carbon emissions, rapid melting of Himalayan glaciers, and global warming pose severe threats to Pakistan, with far-reaching implications for its environment, economy, and society.
First and foremost, the rapid melting of Himalayan glaciers poses a direct existential threat to Pakistan. These glaciers serve as a crucial source of freshwater for millions of people, providing irrigation for agriculture, drinking water, and hydroelectric power generation. However, as temperatures rise and glaciers retreat at an alarming rate, Pakistan faces the spectre of water scarcity and heightened risk of floods and glacial lake outburst floods (GLOFs). The loss of glacier-fed rivers could disrupt agricultural productivity, exacerbate food insecurity, and fuel social unrest in already vulnerable regions.
Furthermore, the impacts of global warming are exacerbating existing environmental challenges in Pakistan. Erratic weather patterns, including more frequent and intense heat waves, droughts, and floods, are becoming increasingly common, disrupting ecosystems, threatening biodiversity, and compromising food and water security. Coastal areas are particularly vulnerable to rising sea levels, posing risks to infrastructure, settlements, and livelihoods.
Economically, the consequences of climate change are profound. Agriculture, a cornerstone of Pakistan’s economy, is highly susceptible to climate variability and extreme weather events. Reduced crop yields, livestock losses, and water scarcity could undermine rural livelihoods, exacerbate poverty, and deepen inequality. Moreover, the energy sector, already under strain from the crisis of circular debt and inefficiency, faces heightened vulnerability to climate-related disruptions, further hampering economic growth and development.
In addition to environmental and economic impacts, climate change poses significant challenges to Pakistan’s social fabric and human security. Displacement due to extreme weather events, water scarcity, and resource conflicts could exacerbate social tensions, internal displacement, and migration. Vulnerable populations, including women, children, and marginalized communities, are disproportionately affected, facing heightened risks of food insecurity, malnutrition, and health problems.
Moreover, the interplay between climate change and security dynamics adds another layer of complexity to Pakistan’s challenges. Competition over dwindling water resources, environmental degradation, and climate-induced migration could exacerbate regional tensions, fuel conflicts, and undermine stability. Addressing climate change, therefore, is not only a matter of environmental stewardship but also a crucial component of national and regional security.
Pakistan faces a critical juncture where its decisions on carbon emissions, energy crisis, and climate change will shape its future profoundly. Urgent action is needed to address these challenges, with a focus on investing in renewable energy, improving governance in the energy sector, and enhancing resilience to climate impacts. The stakes are high, but by seizing opportunities for sustainable development and international collaboration, Pakistan can pave the way for a brighter, greener future for its people and the planet.
India’s Cowardly Tactics Against Yasin Malik
by: Sarah Ameer| May 29, 2024
For decades, India has been using cowardly tactics to silence the voices of Kashmiri freedom fighters. Under the leadership of Modi, this practice got further impetus. One among such voices is of 56 year old, Muhammad Yasin Malik. He was arrested back in 2019 and in 2022, he was given life imprisonment under trumped-up terrorism charges without a fair trial, physical presence and legal access. Recently, his wife, Mushaal Hussein Mullick, in a video message urged India to allow her and her 12 year old daughter, Raziyah Sultana, a safe entry to meet Yasin Malik in Tihar Jail as per rules under Geneva Conventions on the rights of prisoners. The family has not seen each other and been forcefully divided for almost 10 years.
Article 116 of the Fourth Geneva Convention clearly states, “every internee shall be allowed to receive visitors, especially near relatives, at regular intervals and as frequently as possible”. However, despite being a signatory to the Geneva Convention, denying Yasin Malik the right to meet his family depicts India’s sheer disregard for International laws. Several research studies have shown that family visits play an important role in mitigating the effects of anxiety, depression and a sense of hopelessness for the prisoners. This tactic is not uncommon in political imprisonments where the main motive is to break the resolve of the prisoner. Hence, it would not be wrong to say that India, by preventing the Hurriyat leader from seeing his wife and daughter, seeks to weaken his morale and his psychological resilience.
Article 116 of the Fourth Geneva Convention clearly states, “every internee shall be allowed to receive visitors, especially near relatives, at regular intervals and as frequently as possible.”
Additionally, the humane treatment of prisoners is a litmus test for any democratic society. While India takes pride in calling itself the world’s largest democracy, the form of treatment Yasin Malik and tens of thousands of other prisoners are subjected to clearly shows the erosion of democratic norms in Indian society. Moreover, the charges against Yasin Malik, which have been deemed fraudulent, reflect a broader trend of using the judiciary as a tool of political repression. The denial of fair trial, legal counsel, and even the basic right to be physically present during his hearings exemplifies Malik’s case as a gross violation of justice. One can clearly see that the Hindutva regime is seeking vengeance on the Hurriyat leader for raising his voice against the Indian oppression and for rightfully demanding the Kashmiris right to self-determination.
There are also reports that the government of India is seeking the death penalty for the Hurriyat leader on fictitious cases to silence the most powerful voice of Kashmiris freedom movement. The situation in Kashmir is already volatile, and such an action will only fuel further discontent and unrest in the valley. The international community has a role to play in this scenario. Silence or inaction from the world community effectively condones these violations and diminishes the credibility of international human rights frameworks. It is imperative that international bodies and human rights organizations advocate for Malik’s fair treatment and call for an end to punitive measures against political prisoners in Kashmir.
Pakistan: A Pillar In Peacekeeping
by: Omay Aimen | May 29, 2024
The International Day of United Nations (UN) Peacekeepers, celebrated annually on May 29, serves to honor and pay tribute to the uniformed and civilian personnel who have rendered invaluable services in conflict zones worldwide. Peacekeeping has become increasingly difficult in the modern day due to the increased global tensions, complex conflicts, and the widespread dissemination of false and misleading information. In spite of these obstacles, they never give up on their never-ending quest for peace, cooperating with communities and partners to reduce violence and promote stability.
A startling 4,280 peacekeepers have given their life while serving under the UN Flag since the organization’s founding in 1948 until January 31, 2023. 171 men and women from Pakistan are among these brave people, demonstrating Pakistan’s important role in international peacekeeping operations. On June 5, Pakistan has its own Peacekeeping Day, a sombre day of remembering for the 24 soldiers who lost their lives in Mogadishu in June 1993. These gallant soldiers from the Pakistan Army are among the fallen heroes who best represent the dangers and high risks involved in peacekeeping operations.
Additionally, a large number of peacekeepers have suffered from catastrophic injuries brought on by landmines, artillery fire, rocket-propelled grenades, ambushes, convoy attacks, suicide bombers, vehicle and aircraft wrecks, and targeted killings. UN peacekeepers are devoted to their honourable task of maintaining peace in some of the most unstable areas of the globe despite these risks.
Over 200,000 Pakistani troops have participated in UN operations since 1960.
In July 1948, a Norwegian soldier was tragically shot and killed in Palestine, marking the first peacekeeper death. The UN Mediator in Palestine, Swedish nobleman Count Folke Bernadotte, was killed by the Lehi gang, a Zionist terrorist group also known as the Stern Gang, on Friday, September 17, 1948, just two months later. The second high-profile death in the history of peacekeeping involved a Swedish official as well: on September 18, 1961, UN Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld died in an aircraft accident while travelling to negotiate a cease-fire between the UN Operations in the Congo and Moise Tshombe’s Katangese soldiers.
Pakistan has been a steadfast contributor to international peacekeeping operations since 1960, integrating into the peacekeeping landscape in 1949 with the arrival of the UN Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan (UNMOGIP), tasked with monitoring the ceasefire along what is now known as the Line of Control (LoC) in the disputed territory of Jammu and Kashmir. Personnel from the Army Service Corps (ASC) and the Corps of Ordnance were part of the first Pakistani peacekeeping contingent deployed to the Congo on a logistic support assignment. Pakbatts, often called as Pakistani battalions, are infantry units that have been deployed as part of Pakistan’s commitment since that time. By serving with distinction and garnering respect for their expertise and selflessness, these committed men and women have elevated their country’s standing internationally.
Pakistan is a major contributor to UN peacekeeping operations; at present, over 3,000 troops are stationed in missions in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, South Sudan, Abyei, Central African Republic, Cyprus, Western Sahara, and Somalia. Pakistan may exhibit its commitment as a conscientious member of the UN, prepared to put its men and women in danger in order to serve mankind above and beyond its own interests, thanks to this commitment. It also emphasises Pakistani peacekeepers’ courage and professionalism, as they frequently go above and beyond the call of duty in carrying out their tasks. In 72 UN peacekeeping missions since 1948, more than two million people have participated, saving countless lives and improving the lives of millions of people. More than 87,000 military, police, and civilian troops are now deployed by the UN for peacekeeping missions in 12 different countries. Pakistan is one of the top nations that contribute troops, with more than 4,000 soldiers serving in peacekeeping operations at the moment. Over 200,000 Pakistani troops have participated in UN operations since 1960, demonstrating their enduring dedication to maintaining international peace and security.
Pakistan is dedicated to advancing the efficacy, capability, and security of UN peacekeeping efforts through the implementation of the Action for Peacekeeping (A4P) programme and the Uniformed Gender Parity Strategy. Pakistan is in favour of enhancing peacekeepers’ security and safety in hazardous situations. The UN Human Rights Council recently passed a resolution denouncing Israel’s use of hunger as a tactic of warfare in Gaza, where about 34,000 people have perished, most of them women and children. Pakistan had proposed the resolution on behalf of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation. With 28 votes in favour, the resolution asks for an end to military sales to Israel in order to stop violations of humanitarian law.
Indian designs for AJK
by: Dr Raashid Wali Janjua | May 29, 2024
India is out to destabilise Azad Jammu and Kashmir after illegally annexing the illegally occupied part of the State of Jammu and Kashmir. India is splurging on the destabilisation project in Azad Jammu and Kashmir quite munificently, in perfect accord with the Modi-Doval doctrine of politico-economic subversion of the recalcitrant foes. A revisionist Hindutva ideology that drinks deep from the well of a mythical past where the high caste Hindus held low caste inhabitants of the sub-continent in permanent bondage nourishes the BJP politics. The apotheosis of such politics is the Modi cult that like a Frankensteins monster has outgrown its own creator i.e. Mohan Bhagwat, the RSS supremo.
Why India covets disputed territory and what drives its quest for territorial and geopolitical domination in the region is a result of a belief system that brooks no diversity of thought and faith. Hate is being used as a rallying cry to corral the believing herd of Hindu extremists into a stockade of acrimony, where the low caste Dalit community and non-Hindu Indian minorities are made the target of majoritys tyranny. Modi has now risen above Mohan Bhagwat as a Vishwa Guru, becoming a brand name for Indian resurgence. Modi has cleverly played on the Hindu communitys subconscious persecution complex, embedded in the collective Hindu psyche since centuries.
The derogatory allusions to Muslim community as Babur Ki Aulad touch a raw nerve with the Hindu masses who take a vicarious pleasure out of the discomfiture of Muslim and Christian minorities, the co-religionists of their past oppressors and colonists. It is for above reason that Crenshaws famous Theory of Radicalization applies to Indian context. According to the theory, the apogee of radicalisation is reached when the government does not do anything itself, but a radicalised society takes up the job. India has reached that stage where the society has become so radicalised that the state finds it very convenient to outsource the violence against minorities by the radicalised citizens.
Cow vigilantes go around freely smelling beef in shanty towns to pick up and administer the rough and ready mob justice in the shape of public lynchings. In twelve Indian states, the anti-conversion laws apply whereas in all states barring eight the cow slaughter is prohibited. The Indian Illegally Occupied Jammu and Kashmir (IIOJK) which is a disputed region has been annexed in August 2019 in flagrant disregard of the international law. The reign of terror unleashed ever since then, including the world record of 213 weeks of internet blackout, and incarceration of the political leadership, including those leaders that were once sympathetic to India, has converted IIOJK into one of the largest open-air jails in the world.
The property rights law has been changed to allow non-subject Kashmiris to purchase property, leaving Kashmiris to suffer the fate of Red Indians in their own land. The domicile law has been altered illegally to allow over 1 million Indians including 7,346 bureaucrats to settle in IIOJK, according to Dr Mubin Shah, a Kashmiri entrepreneur, now in exile. The gerrymandering of electoral constituencies in Jammu and Srinagar Divisions has added 6 seats in Hindu-dominated Jammu and only 1 seat in Muslim-dominated Srinagar Division, despite a preponderant Muslim majority in Srinagar. The aim is to disenfranchise Muslims and to elect a BJP Chief Minister who could give further fillip to illegal Indian occupation.
Now after letting loose a reign of terror and subjugation in IIOJK, the Doval doctrine targets Azad Jammu and Kashmir. A very clever propaganda campaign has been launched by India and its proxies in AJK, exploiting public discontent over removal of subsidies on wheat and electricity rates. The present electricity consumption rates in Pakistan for certain consumers are as high as Rs65/kwh whereas the same are Rs6/kwh in AJK. Similarly, a 40kg flour bag costs Rs3,900 in Pakistan whereas the government subsidy ensures that it sells for Rs2,000 per bag in AJK. The present government has announced a subsidy package worth Rs23 billion for AJK, accommodating all demands of Joint Awami Action Committee.
Despite accommodation certain elements operating on a foreign agenda are trying to stoke the fires of unrest in AJK. While genuine economic grievances need to be assuaged, the mischief makers operating, in the garb of protesters, also need to be identified. Indian RAW under Doval doctrine has launched a full-fledged covert operation to destabilise AJK in order to divert the worlds attention from the tragedy unfolding in IIOJK. Indians are changing the demography and sociology of IIOJK through the force of 0.95 million bayonets, as quoted in an Indian publication, Asian Age. Keeping an alarmingly high troops-to-people ratio in IIOJK, the Indian government has now started operations inside AJK and Pakistan. Two Kashmiri activists have been assassinated in Sialkot and Rawalakot exactly on the same template used against Hardeep Singh Nijjar in Canada.
The Pakistans Foreign Secretary during a press briefing has exposed two Indian agents, Akash and Yogesh, linked to RAW and involved in the murder of two Kashmiri activists on Pakistans soil. Credible evidence was also provided linking these assassinations to RAW. Along with above, the incendiary statements of Indian Interior Minister Amit Shah and Defence Minister Rajnath Singh, coveting AJK, clearly indicate a method in Indian madness. Shahs statement of 11th May was on cue after the AJK protest marchers clashed with LEAs and was followed up by Singhs offensive statement claiming AJK territory.
While someone should launch a crash course for the two Indian luminaries to learn the basics of international law and Indian obligations to abide by the UNSC resolutions calling for a plebiscite in the State of Jammu and Kashmir, Pakistan needs to take all possible protective measures to ward off the fresh onslaught of subversion by RAW. The patriotic people of AJK who had thrown out the yoke of Dogra slavery through their grit and resolve should not fall prey to Indian machinations.
The Indian assault is coming for sure, and contrary to Pakistan, it would be a Hybrid Plus in case of AJK. Let us not allow the Indians to creep through the crevasses of our internal differences to breach the dyke. The most effective way to counter Indian aggression is to forge unity through good governance in AJK. Our very best political and administrative talent should serve AJK and that service should be seen on ground.
Assessing Pakistan’s challenges
by: Talat Masood | May 29, 2024
This of course was a sober commentary on a hilarious posture, of someone deliberately let loose at a traffic juncture to humour the public. It is a good gesture on the part of local administration to cheer up the people transiting in this punishing heat, but the government has to pause and reflect why it is looked at with suspicious motives and frequently questioned. In short, the trust level between the state and the public needs to be fully restored. Equally important is to improve our sagging image internationally. This would not be an easy task and would require a fundamental change as to how the government, as well as the society at large, conducts itself.
When the economy is in a free fall, politics in deep disarray, strategy lacking a coherent direction and the country on a steep slope, cheering the people and presenting an image of confidence and relaxed culture can at best only serve as an interesting momentary diversion.
On a more serious matter, it is doubtful that the present government with PML-N as a minority party in a loose alliance with PPP, riding on the shoulders of the army, is in a position to run the country efficiently. While PTI that still maintains a solid majority in the guise of independent candidates was manipulated and sidelined to obscurity. It is doubtful if this move served the larger interests of the country for it further weakened democracy and gave an impression to the outside world that Pakistan is essentially a security state with weak democratic traditions. But this is how our country’s power structure is built with politicians, military and bureaucracy having scant regard for democratic ethos.
Perhaps all these observations would have been irrelevant if the political engineering and other constitutional deviations had worked to the advantage of the state and wellbeing of its people. But this is not so and there are no indications of any corrective measures in the offing. The central question then is: how will the federal and provincial leadership address these grave challenges while conforming to democratic norms. Placing the country on a firm democratic path would require that people become more aware of their rights and the value of democratic principles and elect representatives to the parliament that truly serve their fundamental interests. The role of the media and more so of social media would be crucial in raising awareness on these critical issues. Moreover, there has to be a realisation that meritocracy will get a boost with adoption of democratic values and, as past experience bears out, give rise of middle-class leaders.
The security situation too continues to pose a serious challenge as the TTP and other hostile groups remain very active and their attacks in Khuner-Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan on the Pak-Afghan border are on the rise. The Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) leadership based in Afghanistan with the support of Indian and other hostile elements have stepped up terrorist attacks in Pakistan. The TTP has virtually declared a war on the Pakistan state and having coalesced smaller terrorist groups under its umbrella continues to brutalise people and the state. As stated by Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi at a recent press conference that the March 26 suicide attack in which five Chinese engineers and their Pakistani driver were killed in Bisham “was planned in Afghanistan and with the help of local Pakistanis executed in Pakistan”. It is highly disappointing that the Taliban Afghan leadership allows the TTP to plan and execute hostile operations against Pakistan. Are the Taliban unable to restrain the TTP or are obliged to them to an extent that they have given them a free reign to operate freely in Afghanistan violating even the basic tenets of international and local laws? Whereas in sharp contrast, Pakistan and China are the only two countries that are engaging with the Taliban regime and giving them unflinching support to ensure that their people do not suffer.
The security situation on the eastern border, with India, is relatively calm, but relations with the neighbour are practically frozen with PM Modi refusing to engage at any level. As a matter of policy, India — in a bid to isolate Pakistan at the regional level and strangulate its fragile economy — refuses to engage with Pakistan. Whether there would be any change in India’s hostile posture toward Pakistan in Modi’s expected third term in office is difficult to predict. Although inimical policy towards a close neighbour in the long term will also hurt India’s interests and standing in the global community.
In sharp contrast, Pakistan’s relations with China are on a strong footing but Pakistan needs to fully benefit from what China is willing to offer and the onus lies primarily on Pakistan. The Gwadar port facility’s huge potential is only partially utilised. Lately, PM Shehbaz Sharif has shown interest in pursuing the transport infrastructure projects with Chinese leadership. According to Mr Ahsan Iqbal, the planning minister, the two countries have agreed to start the mega ML-1 railway project focusing on the dualisation of the existing railway network, and the overall upgrading of tracks connecting Karachi to Peshawar. Hopefully, these undertakings will be completed as scheduled.
The country’s leadership needs to focus on maximising Pakistan’s inherent strengths. Its location offers the quickest and relatively cheapest conduit for trade between Afghanistan and the world, between Middle East and China and between Africa and China. These potential advantages need to be maximised by improving the road and railway infrastructure, streamlining systems and procedures to facilitate trade and transportation. The government has to take a long-term view and prioritise these undertakings in collaboration with the opposition to boost economic growth and for the wellbeing of its people.
Published in The Express Tribune, May 29th, 2024.
Talks with the IMF
by: Dr Qaisar Rashid | May 18, 2024
To Pakistan’s relief, led by Nathan Porter, the Mission Chief, the resident staff of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) has finally started discussing with Pakistan’s representatives the possibilities for issuing any next Extended Fund Facility to safeguard the country’s economy of $350 billion from collapsing. Pakistan intends to revel in the IMF patronage – prolonged and hefty – to escape sovereign default on external payments.
This time, however, the IMF aired a caveat: “Downside risks remain exceptionally high. While the new government has indicated its intention to continue the SBAs [Stand-by Agreements], political uncertainty remains significant.” The statement was mentioned in the IMF’s staff report appeared on May 10, ahead of the talks. Through the statement, the IMF is trying to say that the financial donors may be ready to bail Pakistan out of the existing economic turmoil, but the underlying political uncertainty is prohibitory. The IMF expects that, after taking harsh measures to restructure the economy, the government would be left with little space to defuse a public reaction simmering around. Apparently, the caution has offset Pakistan’s expectations to engage the IMF. This is how a panic button is supposed to have been pressed: how to appease the IMF and how to reconcile political differences with political dissidents influencing Pakistan’s economic future. Talks with the IMF are underway before Pakistan finalizes the annual budget scheduled for June 6-7 for the next financial year. The budget is expected to introduce taxes which would raise the cost of living, besides the strife to survive financially. The government sector is bound to recede its position of being the biggest job donor. To the IMF, the government sector has to express the intent of shrinkage, both in the size and the range of spending. In its reduction would reside the rise of the private sector. That is, privatization is not possible if the government sector does not diminish its influence. Not only would the power be deregulated but also the law be derestricted. This is a thorny area. Countries habitual of running on the model of centralization are found indisposed to relinquishing their sway effortlessly. In such countries, the private sector loses the initiative to contribute to the economy. Expectedly, after June, Pakistan would enter a rough patch. There are ample chances that the rupee would be devalued further, thereby making the import of luxury goods more costly, as opposed to the policy of discouraging imports by increasing taxes on selected items. That is, this is a consistent policy of the IMF that the import bill be slashed through currency devaluation instead of introducing selective import prohibition.
Reportedly, compared to April 2023 when inflation was around 40 percent, in April this year inflation was around 20 percent, proving the stance of the IMF correct that hyperinflation is not bound to last long. Instead, when left on its own, hyperinflation has to come down to strike a balance between demand and supply. Nevertheless, the Pakistanis generally abhor this proposition because they are inured to spending high even when it is unnecessary. Extravagance is part of their way of life rooted in the Asian culture of show and splendor. Expenditure more than earnings is still considered a necessary evil – both at society and the government level. In society, seeking loan from a bank to buy a costly luxury vehicle is a norm, which was duly exploited by the banks to run their businesses after the year 1999. In fact, the then Finance Minister Shaukat Aziz played on the Asian weakness and pushed the economy to the direction of banks in an effort to circulate wealth in society. The government’s policies of wilfully promoting the culture of high spending to extract money through indirect taxes has brought the country to this pass.
In 2024, Pakistan stands at the fag end of this practice. Hyperinflation is the order of the day. The only tool available is to apply restraint in spending, and this is where the rub lies. One arm of the executive asks the government to slash funds of the other arm first. All arms of the executive – be it civil or the army – are vying to secure more funds and reduce less. Nevertheless, under the oversight of the IMF, Pakistan has to reduce its expenditure under the rubric of expenditure rationalization. As per an estimate, fiscal adjustment of at least 1.5 percent of GDP (amounting to about Rs 1.5 trillion) be would made in the coming budget through the double-edged sword of reducing expenditure and enhancing income. Discussing with the IMF’s mission, the only comfort Pakistan has been enjoying is that the country completed a short-term $3 billion program for nine months to stave off sovereign default. The program is the major stepping stone to reach a longer and bigger loan-seeking program. It would be difficult for the IMF to rebuff Pakistan’s request of doling out at least $6 billion for three years under the 24th program. Nevertheless, the IMF may be apprehensive of Pakistan’s past which is fraught with violating the agreed path. Hence, the forthcoming budget would test the waters.
Precisely, the IMF wants to oversee the process of budget for the financial year 2024-25. Moreover, the IMF intends to ensure the implementation of policies that meet the IMF’s primary demands such as reforming the taxation system, broadening the tax net, abolishing subsidies, doing away with exemptions, and loosening the government’s control over the economy. Taken together, if the forthcoming budget expresses these aspects, Pakistan would be on a path different from the one set in 1999.
Nevertheless, one thing is certain, Pakistan’s incumbent government has to take measures to cool down the political temperature and ease down political complexities to pacify the IMF to dole out funds after June.
Dr Qaisar Rashid
Not a replay of 2019?
by: Farrukh Khan Pitafi | May 18, 2024
The widespread suspicion that everything is controlled in the country poses a serious challenge to the integrity of India’s opinion polls. Do not shoot the messenger. This distrust is the main reason why, despite predictions of a sweeping victory by incumbents, the opposition alliance keeps gaining momentum. The mainstream media, of course, is badly compromised. We saw Adani stamping out the last vestiges of independent journalism through a hostile takeover of NDTV.
Recently, NDTV’s former promoter, journalist and psephologist of renown, Dr Prannoy Roy, has resurfaced with his online coverage of the 2024 election. Apart from his travels and interactions with a wide range of ordinary voters, he produces online snippets in which he talks to his friend and colleague Dorab Sopariwala and seeks to answer some critical questions with the help of data. How accurate are the opinion and exit polls? Answer: usually quite accurate. Likewise, who does a low turnout historically help? Answer: Advantage BJP. It has a very organised team of Panna Pramukhs (literally page in charge or minders) and booth workers to get out voters that are simpatico. I would be remiss if I did not point out the professionalism on display by Dr Roy. If I were cheated out of my life’s work or my career sabotaged in such a manner, I would have made the total annihilation of everyone involved the purpose of my life. He is a better man than I am, I guess.
The answer to low turnout poses some fresh questions. Remember, one of the reasons why the opposition looks more muscular than it otherwise should is because of low voter turnout. The moment low turnout was reported, experts on the social (read alternative) media felt vindicated. I have told you before that in the absence of free and independent electronic media, the only pocket of resistance is online, most notably on YouTube. And that universe comes with its own limitations. While many displaced senior journalists have found refuge there, albeit momentarily, the place has traditionally worked as a bubble reality, and there is no dearth of confirmation bias, which can be infectious at times. Add to it that too many agendas often work at cross purposes. Even so, some remarkable tag-teaming is happening among the well-established YouTube channels.
That’s not all. The dip in the first phase turnout numbers witnessed shoddy attempts to assign a pro-incumbent spin by pollsters and equally clumsy attempts by the Election Commission to pad the numbers. But more telling was a dramatic shift in Modi’s own demeanour and campaign. While earlier he would talk about vixit Bharat (developed India) by 2047 and mostly ignored the Congress party, he suddenly returned to the communal pitch and engaged it directly. What can we make of this? That he had access to some crucial polling data and was shocked by the trends? You will forgive this scribe if he tells you that that is where the mind immediately goes when such flip-flopping occurs. But that is not the end of the story. Modi seemed to be changing tack at the speed of a shapeshifter. Mangal sutras, buffaloes, Pakistan, Adanis and Ambanis and eventually, the alleged birth rate rise in the Muslim community. If his own constant change of tone was an indicator, nothing seemed to stick. Since then, he has turned a full circle by claiming that he does not do Hindu-Muslim communal politics. You be the judge of that.
Some other indicators should worry his supporters. For example, the stock market keeps sinking. Again, views are divided on what is causing this. Some claim that the fear of a weak coalition government (read a government by the INDIA coalition) is affecting investor confidence. Others see Modi’s recent attack on Adani and Ambani as the reason. But all agree that the market volatility is not good for Modi.
By now, there is little doubt that a war of succession has begun within the BJP. Supporters of the insurgents believe that it was Modi and his lieutenant Amit Shah who started it by denying tickets to many key players. Likewise, the Panna Pramukhs we mentioned look less enthusiastic than before. And there is also a discernible enthusiasm gap among the RSS cadres.
But remember 2019? Many thought that demonetisation alone could dent the BJP’s popularity. Or UP elections in 2022? When many thought the sight of dead bodies floating in the Ganges during the COVID crisis could stall its electoral progress. That did not happen. Could this time be different?
When this election cycle began, I had written in this space that I was more likely to root for a Modi win despite my clear bias in favour of the Congress (I grew up reading Gandhi and Nehru’s writings, after all). There are two reasons. One, many on our side claim to know Modi’s plan of action after victory. He plans to mend fences with Pakistan and China, take India to the UNSC, win a Nobel Prize for Peace and retire at 75. Two, ten years are enough for any strongman to perpetuate power beyond borders. Resultantly, like everywhere else, there’s no shortage of Modi’s fanboys and fangirls in Pakistan. Some go out of their way to hurt you if you speak against him. And I am many things but not a fool. I have not changed my position yet. But these fangirls and fanboys should remember whether he wins or loses; they have to live here and face the consequences of their actions. The arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends toward justice.
This is not 2019, and everyone knows it. If you want to see what has changed, you need to pay more attention to the politics and strategies of the opposition INDIA coalition. Compared to the last election, they have all matured and come closer. Besides, no rule lasts forever. And there is no Balakot or Muzaffarnagar to suspend public distrust and disbelief. There are reports of voter apathy among Modi’s core constituents. If you need a data point to prove it, please refer to the election commission’s recently released numbers regarding gender turnout patterns. You will notice a significant dip in the women’s votes in the constituencies where they have traditionally been in his vanguard.
Please do not blame me for the observer effect. I am not saying that he has lost. Like you, I will only believe in his loss when I see it. I am just honestly reporting what I see and hear. But clearly, all is not well. How is it my fault that too many Indians, including some from Modi’s party, cannot wait to volunteer information?
Published in The Express Tribune, May 18th, 2024.
Factors influencing school libraries in Pakistan
by: Abid Hussain | May 18, 2024
The Collins English Dictionary defines a school library as “a library within a school where teachers and students can access books and other resources.” A school is an educational institution where students acquire knowledge, values and skills through structured instructions and learning experiences from their teacher. The mission of a school library is to support and enhance the learning level of students, teachers and the community through resources and services that promote literacy, facilitate learning and foster intellectual growth in the community living in the schools.
School libraries are important in providing students with access to a wide range of informational resources like books, periodicals, multimedia material, and digital databases in order to explore diverse topics and deepen their understanding of the subject beyond what is covered in the classroom.
The school library’s motto is to promote students’ literacy skills to make them critical thinkers and lifelong learners in the future. The school library plays a commendable role in their students’ cultural and intellectual enrichment. It not only supports the school curriculum but also encourages students for inquiry-based learning. School libraries allow students to explore their topic of interest and engage them in independent inquiry to grow professionally.
Some scholars believe that school libraries are great sources of inspiration in promoting their students’ digital literacy and intellectual curiosity. School libraries are said to be vital in promoting a sense of belonging, community, and shared intellectual pursuits. In other words, school libraries are essential to the educational ecosystem, fostering a culture of inquiry and promoting literacy and lifelong learning services.
In advanced countries like the USA, China, Germany and France, the role of school libraries is crucial. They are considered a pillar of personal growth, intellectual capability, and the lifelong journey of students, according to the American Library Association report on overall libraries. As of the 2022 report, there were 131,848 libraries in American states; of them, public school libraries were 82,300, and private school libraries recorded as 22,991.
Private schools are preferred over public schools in developing countries like Pakistan. The education systems at both public and private sector schools are in a harrowing state of affairs. According to education statistics of the Pakistan Institute of Education, a subsidiary part of the Education Ministry, there are a total of 313,418, which includes both public and private schools. Most of these schools lack educational quality and need toilet facilities, drinking water, playgrounds, among other things. Among these alarming issues, only a few schools have small libraries to show the stakeholders how civilized we are. These libraries are available in urban areas only. The schools in rural areas do not even have their own buildings, and the majority of the students study under the trees. The situation in Sindh and Balochistan schools is that they live under God’s mercy.
What is to be done? There is a dire need for concerted efforts to highlight these issues in various forums like the National Assembly and on social media sites like Facebook and Twitter. Above all, complaints should be filed against the school mafias who fool poor people. Investing in school libraries will help improve literacy rates, enhance educational outcomes and foster a love of learning. Let’s raise a voice on different forums and equip the school with rich libraries.
Even though the position of elite schools like Beaconhouse, city schools, convent schools, OPF and other schools serving the defence forces is that they are equipped with rich libraries, playgrounds, drinking water and rich laboratories, they are still using these services to attract customers and show them that how literate they are.
The position of public schools in Pakistan is worse than that of private schools. Public schools in Pakistan face numerous problems like budget constraints, large student populations, government oversight, and emphasis on accessible education. Most of the buildings in urban areas are filled with huge populations, and there is no single room to maintain and sustain a library to meet the intellectual growth of the children. Though official documents state that each school should have a small library with up to 3000 books, teachers diminish the library building to a classroom or reserve it as a common room.
Various factors influence the library structure in Pakistani schools: Limited resources for school libraries, lack of qualified staff like trained librarians, infrastructure challenges, language barriers, and low reading culture among teachers and students. A question, however, arises in mind: who is responsible for the poor culture of the libraries? Undoubtedly, government authorities, stakeholders of the schools, educational institutions, and above all, the unqualified staff with BA degrees and Inter certificates.
What is to be done? There is a dire need for concerted efforts to highlight these issues in various forums like the National Assembly and on social media sites like Facebook and Twitter. Above all, complaints should be filed against the school mafias who fool poor people. Investing in school libraries will help improve literacy rates, enhance educational outcomes and foster a love of learning. Let’s raise a voice on different forums and equip the school with rich libraries.
Failed Indian attempts for peaceful elections in Indian-Occupied Kashmir
by: Abdul Basit Alvi | May 17, 2024
India has failed to conduct fair and open elections in its Occupied Kashmir. The stark realities and alleged atrocities committed by India and its army in Indian Occupied Kashmir are visible to the international community.
Under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the BJP, India appears to be rigorously adhering to Hindutva ideology, characterized by its politics steeped in hypocrisy and falsehoods. In India’s political landscape, the emergence of Hindutva ideology has significantly influenced electoral dynamics, reshaping the contours of political discourse and identity.
Hindutva, rooted in the concept of Hindu nationalism, advocates the supremacy of Hindu culture and values, advocating the establishment of a Hindu Rashtra, or Hindu state. Over time, the proliferation of Hindutva ideology has been accompanied by a variety of election strategies employed by different political entities, sparking vehement opposition across the nation.
Indian-Occupied Kashmir, plagued by decades of conflict and political instability, faces allegations of human rights abuses that loom large over its populace. The region’s disputed status, coupled with a heavy Indian military presence and strict security measures, has led to reports of widespread violence, extrajudicial killings, and systemic oppression, drawing condemnation on the international stage. Notably, there are accusations of excessive force by Indian security forces against civilians, particularly during protests, resulting in numerous casualties. Reports of severe injuries from pellet guns and allegations of extrajudicial killings and enforced disappearances further darken the region’s landscape.
The use of draconian laws like the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) and the Public Safety Act (PSA) compounds the challenges faced by civilians in Indian occupied Kashmir, granting broad powers to security forces with minimal accountability. Moreover, reports of arbitrary detentions, torture, and ill-treatment of detainees, including children, underscore the need for independent investigations and accountability mechanisms. These alleged atrocities not only affect individual victims but also corrode the socio-economic fabric of the entire region.
The prolonged conflict and security challenges have severely disrupted the daily lives of millions, hindering access to essential services such as education, healthcare, and economic opportunities. Additionally, the enduring psychological and collective trauma resulting from years of violence and instability has deeply impacted the Kashmiri populace, fostering ongoing cycles of fear, resentment, and distrust.
The people of Indian-Occupied Kashmir express a strong desire to disassociate from India, driven by a lengthy history of alleged atrocities committed by the Indian government and its armed forces. The situation in Indian-Occupied Kashmir remains far from normal, with inhabitants facing significant constraints on their freedom to live and work. Despite this reality, India maintains a facade of normalcy, asserting plans for forthcoming elections as evidence of stability while obscuring the true nature of conditions in the region.
In light of recent failed attempts to misrepresent reality, both the Indian Civilian Administration and Indian Army, operating under stringent security measures, orchestrated a Voting Awareness Campaign (VAC) in the villages of Tithwaal and Seemari near the Nauseri sector, culminating in a rally in Seemari. Dignitaries such as Commander 104 Brigade Brigadier M. K Dass, General Observer Election Bupinder Singh, Deputy Commissioner Kupwara Ayushi Sudan, SSP Kupwara Shobit Saxena, ADC Kupwara Mohammad Rouf Rehman, among others, were present at the event.
Elections in Tehsil Karna are scheduled for May 20. Alongside the VAC, various departmental stalls, including Agriculture, Horticulture, Health, and Animal Husbandry, were set up to showcase their initiatives, and officials collected feedback on their progress. Under the direction of the Deputy Commissioner Kupwara, school children were compelled to participate in an Indian-flagged rally at the First Polling Station in Seemari LoC.
The people of Indian–Occupied Kashmir appear disinterested in these endeavours, expressing a desire for genuine resolution rather than participating in what they view as theatrical elections. The ultimate solution to the Kashmir issue lies in granting the right to self-determination to the people of Indian occupied Kashmir, rather than perpetuating ineffective electoral processes.
Kabul Bukhari, a well-known singer, performed a diverse range of songs, including Pakistani ones in Punjabi, Hindi, Pahari, and Kashmiri. This event was evidently orchestrated to distort reality and suppress the truth, with villagers from Tehsil Karnah coerced into attending. The march from Teetwaal to Seemari was forcefully organized under both civilian and military supervision, predominantly involving children who have no stake in the elections. The musical show was intended to attract attendees, even incorporating Pakistani songs, indicating both frustration and an attempt to appeal to locals’ sentiments toward Pakistan. Speeches by Civil Administration Officials urging locals to participate in the elections further underscored their apprehension and frustration regarding potential low voter turnout.
It’s evident that organizing such an event under the direct auspices of the Indian Army aimed to send a coercive message to compel participation in the electoral process. Reports suggest that attendees were brought in from outside the state to create the appearance of a large gathering and to ensure the event’s perceived success. Videos from the event depict a situation akin to a curfew, with most shops closed and restricted movement for the residents.
However, the reality in the area contradicts this portrayal, as local sentiment toward India and its policies is unfavorable due to perceived Indian atrocities. The local populace is disinterested in Indian-managed elections. This raises the question: if India truly believes that the people of Indian-Occupied Kashmir support them, why resort to such events under the heavy security presence of its Army rather than conducting them openly and publicly?
The falsehoods perpetuated by India, Modi, and its leadership are laid bare for the world to see. In the intricate web of human interactions, lies often act as a veil concealing reality, obscuring the truth behind a facade of deceit. Whether crafted to safeguard oneself, manipulate others, or mask inconvenient truths, lies have remained a pervasive aspect of human behaviour. Yet, beneath the surface of deception lies a fundamental paradox: the more one endeavours to hide the truth, the more glaringly it clamours to be unveiled. Lies manifest in myriad forms, from whispered falsehoods within personal relationships to the grand deceit of politics and propaganda.
In its essence, lying involves a calculated distortion or suppression of reality, typically driven by self-interest, fear, or the quest for control. Nonetheless, the repercussions of falsehoods extend beyond the immediate moment of deceit, shaping perceptions, corroding trust, and sowing seeds of discord and disenchantment. One of the most harmful forms of deceit is the manipulation of information through the dissemination of misinformation and disinformation.
In an era marked by rapid technological progress and widespread connectivity, the spread of false narratives and fake news poses a significant threat to public discourse and democratic governance. Intentional distortion of facts, the promotion of partisan agendas, and the weaponization of information have precipitated a crisis of trust and a decline in confidence in traditional sources of authority and expertise.
Furthermore, lies often serve as a tool for exerting power and control, utilized by those in positions of authority to uphold dominance and stifle dissent. Particularly, authoritarian regimes rely heavily on a fabric of falsehoods and propaganda to sway public opinion, quash opposition, and perpetuate their hold on power. By distorting reality and crafting alternative narratives, such regimes endeavour to construct a false veneer of legitimacy and invulnerability, shielding themselves from accountability and oversight.
Nonetheless, the truth possesses an innate resilience, capable of piercing even the most fortified layers of falsehoods and deception. Throughout history, there have been numerous instances of courageous individuals and whistleblowers who, at considerable personal risk, have exposed corruption, injustice, and atrocities concealed beneath a facade of lies.
From journalists uncovering government wrongdoing to activists spotlighting human rights violations, the pursuit of truth remains a powerful catalyst for change and accountability. Despite the complexities of human nature, the innate desire for authenticity and integrity persists, driving moments of reckoning and collective awakening when lies are exposed and truths revealed. This challenges established narratives and fuels movements for justice and reform.
In India and Indian occupied Kashmir, there’s a clear understanding of the duplicity within the Indian Government resonating internationally. Trust and reliability are pivotal in international relations, shaping alliances, partnerships, and geopolitical dynamics. Recent shifts in India’s policies have cast doubt on its reliability as a strategic partner and global actor, particularly due to its diminishing commitment to democratic values and human rights.
The government’s crackdown on dissent, press freedom, and civil liberties has drawn international concern, as seen in the handling of Article 370 in Jammu and Kashmir, controversial citizenship laws, and the response to farmer protests. These actions have tarnished the remaining India’s democratic image and strained relations with allies.
India’s assertive foreign policy and unilateral actions, exemplified by the border standoff with China in the Galwan Valley, highlight its willingness to challenge norms but also raise risks of instability. Withdrawal from trade agreements like the RCEP and strained relations with neighbouring countries signal potential setbacks in regional integration and cooperation.
Economically, protectionist trade policies and regulatory unpredictability have deterred foreign investment, despite initiatives like “Make in India.” This, coupled with strained relations with key partners like the USA, adds to India’s challenges on the global stage. While India and the USA have fostered a strategic partnership rooted in shared interests and values, tensions have emerged due to disparities in trade, intellectual property rights, and India’s deepening relations with Russia. This has strained bilateral relations.
Furthermore, India’s engagement with major powers like Russia and China has sparked concerns among its traditional Western allies, prompting questions about India’s strategic alignment and reliability in the Indo-Pacific region. There is a growing perception that India lacks reliability and trustworthiness on the global stage, with many viewing it as a failed state attempting to project a false image of success and civility through manipulated portrayals.
The situation in India and the Indian Occupied Jammu and Kashmir region is under global scrutiny. Events like the VAC (Voters’ Awareness Campaign) cannot conceal the reality, which is that India’s electoral efforts in Indian-Occupied Kashmir are perceived as ineffective attempts to mask deeper issues.
The people of Indian–Ooccupied Kashmir appear disinterested in these endeavours, expressing a desire for genuine resolution rather than participating in what they view as theatrical elections. The ultimate solution to the Kashmir issue lies in granting the right to self-determination to the people of Indian occupied Kashmir, rather than perpetuating ineffective electoral processes.
How Has 'The Muslim Appeasement' Debate Affected West Bengal Politics?
When it comes to West Bengal, the narrative runs into the tricky waters as the country walks into the business end of the Lok Sabha polls. Considered to be one of the primary roadblocks to NDA’s vision of 400 seats, West Bengal’s political contours have been heavily shaped by debates on caste and religion. The contest is being predicted to go down to the wire, as Mamata Banerjee looks to better her 2019 performance which saw Trinamool Congress ceding 18 seats to the BJP, who had only managed 2 in 2014. While BJP looks to establish a dominant ground with lofty predictions of their performance in Bengal, Mamata Banerjee believes the people of Bengal will recognise her effort in vouching for a state painted with secular values and her support for all communities of the state. Although, Mamata’s Banerjee’s strategies to woo voters of different communities, especially the Muslims, have been targeted by a spate of BJP leaders over the course of the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, experts opine that the Muslim voters, making up for almost 30%, will play a crucial role in turning the tide in Didi’s favour.
JP Nadda, national president of BJP, in a recent rally in West Bengal’s Behrampore constituency of Murshidabad district, which has Bengal’s highest Muslim population of 66.28%, talked about Mamata Banerjee opposing the CAA to appease Muslims. “Prime Minister Narendra Modi has given citizenship to Hindu and Dalit refugees from Bangladesh but Mamata Banerjee opposes it. She is appeasing Muslims,” Nadda said. In a still-complicating episode around sexual abuse and land grabbing accusations against TMC leader Sheikh Shah Jahan in Sandeshkhali, the BJP has found another opportunity to rain down heavily on TMC for “sheltering Muslim terrorists”.
“Mamata Banerjee’s government believes in appeasement, dividing people and patronising terrorists. But when Pakistan attacks India, Modi Ji’s government gives a befitting reply by crossing the border,” Nadda further added.
Recently at another rally in West Bengal’s Srirampur, Home Minister Amit Shah targeted Mamata for her recent measures, accusing her for her one-dimensional appeasement policy towards Muslims. “Mamata Banerjee came into power with the slogan of 'Ma, Maati, Manush' but this slogan has lost now and 'Mulla, Madrasa and Mafia' is there at the ground. Tell me should mullas be paid from Bengal's state treasury?" Shah said. This comes in context of Banerjee’s announcement of a hike of Rs 500 in the monthly allowance of Muslim Imams and Hindu priests in August last year, addressing a conference of imams and muezzins in Kolkata. The imams receive a monthly allowance of Rs 2,500 and muezzins, a stipend of Rs 1,000 since 2012. A year after coming to power, the TMC government had announced monthly honorariums to imams and muezzins in the state.
Addressing the barbs aimed at her policies that she has been consistently subject to, Mamata had said, “People have maligned me for my beliefs. When I attend Iftar during Ramzan, my photographs are ridiculed. BJP had even attempted to change my name. However, I don’t care about it because it is my duty to see that people of different religions don’t fight with one another. We don’t do any discrimination; BJP does. They let go of convicts in the Bilkis Bano case. Everyone is witnessing the atrocities on minorities and tribals…We have given recognition to 307 unaided madrasahs; 700 more will be recognized this year.”
Attacking Banerjee’s refusal to attend the Ram Mandir inauguration in January, Shah further added, “She doesn't prevent Rohingya (Muslims) from entering India and opposes Ram Mandir inauguration. She also denies the permission of 'Durga Visarjan' but gives leave to Muslim employees in Ramzan." In a significant move, Mamata Banerjee took out an all-faith rally on that very day which saw a sea of people from various religions and sects flooding the streets of Kolkata, in a TMC-orchestrated show of religious harmony. Talking about the wave of divisive politics and how BJP was celebrating the day as their "Independence Day", Mamata had added, “I don't believe in politicising religion ahead of elections. I am against such practice. I have no objection against those worshipping Lord Ram, but object to interference with the food habits of people." Mamata had also visited a gurudwara in Garcha and a local mosque and church in Park Circus to offer her prayers on that very day.
According to the Lokniti-CSDS post-poll survey, TMC had secured 75% of the Muslim vote in the 2021 assembly elections, which had been instrumental in Banerjee resuming her seat. Critics and analysts believe that the Muslim vote in Bengal is to play a crucial role in the elections once again, with Banerjee poised to win most of it. However, with a percentage of Muslim voters shifting towards the Left Front and Congress, and the Indian Secular Front (ISF) in the Left-Congress mix, the vote consolidation takes a more interesting turn. While BJP continues to ride on their attacks on Banerjee and her doctored attempts at Muslim appeasement in the state, the TMC targets BJP’s anti-Islam stance in the context of a barrage of recent polarising speeches and videos posted by the BJP (which talked about the opposition snatching reservations from deserving SC and ST candidates and handing them over to Muslims in the country). As most of South Bengal, including Kolkata, prepares to go to polls in the coming phases, TMC looks to wrestle the wave of polarisation, by reinforcing the secular vision of Banerjee and the party, going beyond mere one-dimensional appeasement.
Is India taking a risk with Iran Chabahar port deal?
May 17, 2024
When it comes to West Bengal, the narrative runs into the tricky waters as the country walks into the business end of the Lok Sabha polls. Considered to be one of the primary roadblocks to NDA’s vision of 400 seats, West Bengal’s political contours have been heavily shaped by debates on caste and religion. The contest is being predicted to go down to the wire, as Mamata Banerjee looks to better her 2019 performance which saw Trinamool Congress ceding 18 seats to the BJP, who had only managed 2 in 2014. While BJP looks to establish a dominant ground with lofty predictions of their performance in Bengal, Mamata Banerjee believes the people of Bengal will recognise her effort in vouching for a state painted with secular values and her support for all communities of the state. Although, Mamata’s Banerjee’s strategies to woo voters of different communities, especially the Muslims, have been targeted by a spate of BJP leaders over the course of the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, experts opine that the Muslim voters, making up for almost 30%, will play a crucial role in turning the tide in Didi’s favour.
JP Nadda, national president of BJP, in a recent rally in West Bengal’s Behrampore constituency of Murshidabad district, which has Bengal’s highest Muslim population of 66.28%, talked about Mamata Banerjee opposing the CAA to appease Muslims. “Prime Minister Narendra Modi has given citizenship to Hindu and Dalit refugees from Bangladesh but Mamata Banerjee opposes it. She is appeasing Muslims,” Nadda said. In a still-complicating episode around sexual abuse and land grabbing accusations against TMC leader Sheikh Shah Jahan in Sandeshkhali, the BJP has found another opportunity to rain down heavily on TMC for “sheltering Muslim terrorists”.
“Mamata Banerjee’s government believes in appeasement, dividing people and patronising terrorists. But when Pakistan attacks India, Modi Ji’s government gives a befitting reply by crossing the border,” Nadda further added.
Recently at another rally in West Bengal’s Srirampur, Home Minister Amit Shah targeted Mamata for her recent measures, accusing her for her one-dimensional appeasement policy towards Muslims. “Mamata Banerjee came into power with the slogan of 'Ma, Maati, Manush' but this slogan has lost now and 'Mulla, Madrasa and Mafia' is there at the ground. Tell me should mullas be paid from Bengal's state treasury?" Shah said. This comes in context of Banerjee’s announcement of a hike of Rs 500 in the monthly allowance of Muslim Imams and Hindu priests in August last year, addressing a conference of imams and muezzins in Kolkata. The imams receive a monthly allowance of Rs 2,500 and muezzins, a stipend of Rs 1,000 since 2012. A year after coming to power, the TMC government had announced monthly honorariums to imams and muezzins in the state.
Addressing the barbs aimed at her policies that she has been consistently subject to, Mamata had said, “People have maligned me for my beliefs. When I attend Iftar during Ramzan, my photographs are ridiculed. BJP had even attempted to change my name. However, I don’t care about it because it is my duty to see that people of different religions don’t fight with one another. We don’t do any discrimination; BJP does. They let go of convicts in the Bilkis Bano case. Everyone is witnessing the atrocities on minorities and tribals…We have given recognition to 307 unaided madrasahs; 700 more will be recognized this year.”
Attacking Banerjee’s refusal to attend the Ram Mandir inauguration in January, Shah further added, “She doesn't prevent Rohingya (Muslims) from entering India and opposes Ram Mandir inauguration. She also denies the permission of 'Durga Visarjan' but gives leave to Muslim employees in Ramzan." In a significant move, Mamata Banerjee took out an all-faith rally on that very day which saw a sea of people from various religions and sects flooding the streets of Kolkata, in a TMC-orchestrated show of religious harmony. Talking about the wave of divisive politics and how BJP was celebrating the day as their "Independence Day", Mamata had added, “I don't believe in politicising religion ahead of elections. I am against such practice. I have no objection against those worshipping Lord Ram, but object to interference with the food habits of people." Mamata had also visited a gurudwara in Garcha and a local mosque and church in Park Circus to offer her prayers on that very day.
According to the Lokniti-CSDS post-poll survey, TMC had secured 75% of the Muslim vote in the 2021 assembly elections, which had been instrumental in Banerjee resuming her seat. Critics and analysts believe that the Muslim vote in Bengal is to play a crucial role in the elections once again, with Banerjee poised to win most of it. However, with a percentage of Muslim voters shifting towards the Left Front and Congress, and the Indian Secular Front (ISF) in the Left-Congress mix, the vote consolidation takes a more interesting turn. While BJP continues to ride on their attacks on Banerjee and her doctored attempts at Muslim appeasement in the state, the TMC targets BJP’s anti-Islam stance in the context of a barrage of recent polarising speeches and videos posted by the BJP (which talked about the opposition snatching reservations from deserving SC and ST candidates and handing them over to Muslims in the country). As most of South Bengal, including Kolkata, prepares to go to polls in the coming phases, TMC looks to wrestle the wave of polarisation, by reinforcing the secular vision of Banerjee and the party, going beyond mere one-dimensional appeasement.
Lurking fears
Shahzad Chaudhry | May 17, 2024
When Narendra Modi was up for another election in 2019 for his second term, he preceded that with an aerial strike against a target across the line of control. He framed that as a response to what had happened earlier in Pulwama, in occupied Kashmir, which he conveniently blamed on Pakistan — many in India including the then BJP appointed Governor in Kashmir have called it a staged false-flag operation for Modi to give reason to use the blatant aggression against Pakistan and establish his machoistic ‘bravado’. That seemingly played well with his voters even when the Pakistani Air Force responded in kind the very next day and shot an Indian Air Force plane capturing its pilot. When the pilot was returned as a goodwill gesture after a couple of days of questioning, he manipulated that as a victory for India under Modi which had coerced Pakistan to give the prisoner up. He won his election and was anointed the Prime Minister for a second term.
During his second tenure, Modi annexed Kashmir by revoking Article 370 of the Constitution which recognised Kashmir’s special status till the issue was resolved to the satisfaction of the two claimants, Pakistan and India, and broke it up in three to turn it into a Union territory directly controlled by the Centre in Delhi. Kashmiris have now been denied their right to choose their representatives like the rest of India for the last ten years with little possibility that elections to the state Assembly may be held any time soon. This is an outright denial of fundamental freedom and a violation of basic democratic principles. Modi also went on to fulfil his promise to turn the Babri mosque into a Hindu temple in Ayodhia and abrogated the citizenship of millions of Indian Muslims through legislative innovation of the Citizens Amendment Act, reviled by most liberals in India.
Before the BJP won the 2014 elections the ceasefire on the LoC, unilaterally held by both sides as a mutually goodwill gesture, was deliberately broken by India in 2013 in the lead-up to the elections. It was popularly believed that right-wing leaning officers in the Indian army launched a cross-LoC offensive to reinforce BJP’s credentials as a party which would stand up to Pakistan. Modi used Pakistan as a bogey, kept up his rhetoric in unison with booming gunfire on the LoC and won his elections. Modi calls these and the significant economic progress domestically as appetisers of his first two terms as he enthuses Indians to wait for the main course after his likely win in the ongoing elections. Clearly, he has done a lot more in continuation of Manmohan Singh’s achievements in paving the way for a modern India and a more prosperous economy. Modi has continued to build on it and introduced India to the rest of the world with a pitch which claims to have freed itself off its pedestrian mold. In so doing he promises more to come. The region and especially the neighbours remain on tenterhooks. Pakistan may be well advised to keep an eye on Modi’s menu options.
For it though things must first settle down domestically in Pakistan. The political instability has manifested itself in different ways. The infusion that economy desperately needs in investment and from bilateral and multilateral donors and IFIs continues to await settling of ruffles in the political arena. Without the economy showing any signs of improvement social unrest looms heightening political strife. In a way Pakistan is caught in this insidious catch-22 loop of frenzy feeding from one sector to the other and vice versa. This spiral down of the sociopolitical and socioeconomic mess must first halt to find space for reversing the trends. How may this be achieved is anyone’s guess.
With all sides standing off against each other there is hardly any slack to cut. What has been happening in Azad Kashmir is a manifestation of these trends and though currently geographically restricted has the making of a dangerous precedent on a wider scale in the country were it to be mimicked in major population centres. State’s response is knee-jerk, ill-thought and band-aid, not addressing the root cause of such eruption in the sentiment. Merely calling it foreign inspired will not do the trick. It needs deeper remedy of the underlying causes which are falsely characterised as party or party-leadership specific from a certain standpoint. The failure is more broad-based and multi-sectoral.
Governance in most of Pakistan has been abysmal. For too long the country and its governments have been consumed by political uncertainty. This is when governance of any kind has remained neglected and unattended. Cartels have benefited the most while the common man at the bottom of the spectrum has been crushed under mounting poverty. Only if law, rules and fidelity in government functions can be found can this waste and perpetual leak be stemmed. Then alone the meager resources can be used to their most optimal and then alone a sustainable relief or succor for the common man can be realised.
Till we begin to function as a normal country without a heightened sense of fear and uncertainty will the common man be assured of his safer tomorrow. But if the state continues to remain as apprehensive and speculative as it is, it can inspire little confidence in its people. This will need to change in a good way — not by inducing fear and highhandedness but by being sympathetic to its people at large and giving politics its due space to function. For the moment the State seems to impose its overwhelming presence and is seen as a party to the fracas. This is counterintuitive to its larger cause and purpose which is to keep tabs on what the likes of Modi may be envisaging as their future course.
Narendra Modi may not yet be a direct player in internal matters of Pakistan, but it makes it rife for him to begin considering it in his main course menu. That should be enough of a wake-up call. India probably has a role in how matters are worsening on the western borders with Afghanistan which imposes its own dynamics in the security calculus but to augment it with something on the eastern border will only multiply our difficulties in an already precarious and unstable domestic environment. It is time to think anew of options to settle down the uncertainty that has beleaguered the nation now for almost three years. Our political class has mostly been inept; to complicate it further with inherent uncertainty will only make it impossible to resolve our dilemma. If we fail at it, it shall unfortunately be of our own making. We may soon be out of time to make amends.
Why not Pakistan?
By Dr Ramesh Kumar Vankwani | May 17, 2024
Recently I was asked to give a briefing on the Gandhara Corridor in a high level meeting of the Special Investment Facilitation Council (SIFC), attended by federal ministers and the military leadership as well as the representatives from all provinces, at the Prime Minister’s Secretariat.
While highlighting the significance of establishing a Gandhara Corridor for connecting Pakistan with the Buddhist world, I categorically mentioned that our neighbouring country has identified faith tourism as a key sector for socio-economic uplift, cultural preservation, spiritual enrichment and promoting the soft image. In this regard, a strategic step to attract pilgrims from Buddhist majority countries has already been taken in the form of developing the Buddhist Circuit.
The Indian government with the collaboration of World Bank, Asian Development Bank and foreign investors is developing a holy network of sacred sites and destinations associated with the spiritual journey of Gautama Buddha, spanning across several states in India, including Uttar Pradesh, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, and Odisha.
The World Bank, under the India Buddhist Circuit Development Project (IBCDP), has been a key partner in this endeavour, providing financial and technical assistance to support the development of infrastructure, tourism facilities, and community engagement programs in our neighbouring country.
The key focus areas of the IBCDP include: (i) infrastructure development for upgrading and construction of roads, airports, and tourist facilities to improve access and amenities for pilgrims; (ii) site development for conservation and restoration of Buddhist monuments, museums, and cultural heritage sites; (iii) community engagement, capacity building and training programmes for local communities to promote their participation in tourism development and cultural preservation; and (iv) most importantly, marketing and promotion to raise awareness about the Buddhist Circuit and attract international tourists.
Due to its potential to generate employment opportunities, stimulate local economies, promote interfaith harmony, and preserve cultural heritage, several countries and international organizations are also showing interest in supporting the initiative. Reportedly, the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA) has provided financial support for the development of tourism infrastructure and improvement of heritage sites under the Buddhist Circuit Development Plan, whereas the Korean International Cooperation Agency (KOICA) is also collaborating with the Indian government with a focus on strengthening people-to-people exchanges and cultural understanding.
The Asian Development Bank (ADB) has also shown keen interest to invest in the Buddhist Circuit and willingness to work on infrastructure development. Interestingly, many private companies are also cooperating for the conservation and restoration of Buddhist monuments and cultural heritage sites under the public-private partnership, supported by the World Bank.
However, during the SIFC meeting, an objection was raised by a provincial representative that tourism in Pakistan is a provincial subject. I once again elaborated that the purpose of establishing the Gandhara Corridor is not at all to control or take over any heritage site located in any province but to establish a tourism corridor connecting Islamabad, the federal capital of Pakistan, with capital cities of Buddhist majority countries, including China, Korea, Japan, Thailand, Nepal, Vietnam and Sri Lanka, etc through air link.
Unfortunately, we are seeking financial support and foreign investment from the international community to revive our national economy, but are not ready to take advantage of the priceless treasure that God Almighty has gifted to Pakistan in the form of heritage. It is a pity that others are welcoming faith tourists at a large scale to boost their national economies, but we are still not getting out of such a hostile stereotype mindset.
I concluded my briefing with an emphasis that: “Today, if the government of Pakistan just shows its determination to provide a roadmap and vision for establishing the Gandhara Corridor, it will not take long for the foreign investors, international donors and private sector to step forward for transforming the initiative game-changer for Pakistan.”
In my view, this is a real challenge that needs to be addressed by our national leadership on a priority basis to ensure that the Gandhara Corridor must be announced today, not tomorrow, to promote interfaith harmony, tolerance, international connectivity, soft image, eliminate terrorism and boost our national economy.
The writer is a member of the National Assembly and patron-in-chief of the Pakistan Hindu Council. He tweets/posts @RVankwani.
Innovation for agriculture
By Zafar Masud | May 17, 2024
PAKISTAN’S agricultural sector is not just a segment of the economy; it is the lifeblood that sustains the country’s populace and fuels its economic engine. With over 37 per cent of the labour force employed in it and its contribution of approximately 46pc to GDP — both directly and indirectly estimated by employing backward and forward linkages between agriculture and other sectors of the economy — agriculture’s significance cannot be overstated. It is a pivotal source of foreign exchange earnings, with a substantial delta as high as $15 billion in our current account, underscoring its role as a cornerstone of Pakistan’s financial stability.
Innovation, and out-of-the-box solutions provide hope amidst myriad challenges faced by this sector. These are key to ending the prevailing inertia and catalysts that can transform traditional practices into a modern, efficient, and sustainable agricultural framework. The recent Agri-Connections conference in Lahore served as a testament to this belief, bringing together various stakeholders to sow the seeds of progress and innovation.
The ZarZaraat agri start-up competition, sponsored by The Bank of Punjab and unveiled at the conference, is meant to provide a platform for innovative technologies to showcase their offerings to potential funders to bridge the gap between agricultural start-ups and the capital they require. It is also seen as a commitment to nurturing the growth of agricultural entrepreneurs.
The conference also shone a spotlight on international models of agricultural innovation that can illuminate Pakistan’s path forward. The vision of Pakistani farmers connecting directly with consumers, akin to their Indian counterparts using platforms like BigBasket, is not a distant dream but an achievable reality. Similarly, the success of Hello Tractor in Africa serves as an inspiration for Pakistani agricultural machinery service providers to serve smallholder farmers and help them adopt much-needed mechanised farming using mobile technology, enabling them to book tractors on-demand thus significantly enhancing their productivity.
Out-of-the-box solutions provide hope amidst the myriad challenges faced by the farm sector.
Yet, the scope of innovation extends far beyond the realm of technology. It is important to delve into strategic approaches that have borne fruit in other nations. China’s emphasis on food security, bolstered by government grants and specialised science parks, provides a blueprint for Pakistan to emulate. Ethiopia’s resolution of credit access issues for farmers through a land-titling programme demonstrates the power of governmental intervention in catalysing economic empowerment. Vietnam’s focus on public-private partnerships, my favourite, highlights the importance of collaborative efforts in overcoming financial literacy barriers and collateral constraints faced by rural entrepreneurs. Colombia’s strides in empowering women-owned agricultural businesses via microfinance partnerships offer valuable insights into inclusive economic development.
A call to action for collaboration resonates throughout these success stories. A united front comprising the government, private sector, financial institutions, and agriculturist communities, is imperative for realising the transformative potential of Pakistan’s agricultural sector. Streamlining regulations, investing in rural infrastructure, and championing sustainable practices are the pillars upon which this transformation must be built.
As we study deeper into the agricultural conundrum that Pakistan faces, it becomes increasingly clear that innovation is not merely a luxury but a necessity. The challenges that Pakistani farmers grapple with are unique, but not insurmountable. Agriculture-related platforms emerge as a beacon of hope, offering tangible solutions through the lens of innovation. It is not a little-known fact that agricultural modernisation for an agrarian economy is a sure-fire way of enhancing export orientation. A study by the World Bank suggests that Pakistan can increase its agricultural exports by up to 50pc by 2025 through diversification and improved output quality, brought about by modernisation.
Irrigation and water management are pivotal in a country where poor resource management looms large. The potential to introduce smart irrigation systems could herald a new era of efficiency in water use. A study by the International Water Management Institute estimates that Pakistan can save up to 12.5 million acre feet of water annually by adopting precision agriculture techniques such as smart irrigation systems. Keeping the criticality of it in view, RemoteWell was selected as one of the technologies that could address this challenge, in the ZarZaraat competition.
The issue of post-harvest handling is another hurdle that can be elegantly cleared by short-listing Godaam Technologies as one of the best solutions showcased in the competition. Mobile cold storage solutions and supply chain management platforms are present as low-hanging fruit, boasting the potential to revolutionise the way farmers store and sell their produce — minimising losses and maximising profits. According to recent estimates by the World Bank, Pakistan loses between 30pc to 40pc of its agricultural produce due to poor post-harvest processing and handling. Strategic investments in logistics and storage can cut down on these losses significantly.
Capital access remains the Achilles’ heel for many farmers. Connecting farmers with microfinance institutions and crowdfunding platforms is crucial. It is a step towards democratising access to capital and enabling farmers to invest in the future. While market access is the final piece of the puzzle, digital marketplaces could open up new avenues for farmers, connecting them directly with consumers and ensure a fair price for their hard work. The International Food Policy Research Institute estimates that the widespread adoption of new technologies in developing agrarian economies can potentially increase farm incomes by up to 200pc — effectively translating into poverty reduction from the ground-up as well as improved livelihoods for millions of Pakistani farmers and households.
The roadmap for Pakistan’s agricultural renaissance is etched in the lessons learned from global leaders and the commitment to fostering an environment conducive to innovation. By joining hands and harnessing the collective strength of all stakeholders, Pakistan can unlock the latent potential of its agricultural sector and cultivate a future of prosperity and growth.
The writer, a development and social impact-focused banker and public sector specialist, is president and CEO of The Bank of Punjab.
Published in Dawn, May 17th, 2024