Articals Regarding Pakistan
Kashmir: 77 Years of Resistance and Resilience
By: Javed Iqbal | October 28, 2024
Courtesy : Daily Times
Kashmiris on both sides of LoC and across the world observe 27th Oct as Black Day against illegal, unjust and forcible occupation of Kashmir by Indian forces.
As per the partition plan Hindu majority areas were to be included in India and Muslims majority areas were to be made part of Pakistan. However, on 27th Oct 1947 India landed its troops in the Indian Illegally Occupied Jammu and Kashmir (IIOJK) and forcefully invaded the valley which was a sheer violation of the partition plan.
The people of Kashmir did not accept the illegal act of the Indian government and started an arms struggle in 1947. Seeing writing on the wall, the Indian government approached the UN security Council on 1 Jan 1948 for its intervention. So far more than twelve UN Security Council resolutions on just resolutions of Kashmir issue as per wishes of people have been passed. However, till date India has not honored its own resolution.
Indian authorities who miserably failed to address grievances of people are in illusion.
During 77 years of occupation, the Indian government has applied all forms of brutal acts, atrocities and barbarism to control the freedom struggle of Kashmiri people but could not break the resolve of Kashmiris. According to the reports of Kashmir media service, since Jan 1989 till 30 September 2024, a total of 96,364 people embraced martyrdom, 107,965 children and 22, 977 women who lost their fathers and husbands respectively, 172, 135 civilian arrests, 7,362 custodial killings, 11,265 cases of women molestation and destruction of 110,519 infrastructures by Indian security.
The Modi government, in its efforts to gain control over the occupied valley, revoked Article 370 on 5th Aug 2019. This illegal act resulted in strong resistance from Kashmiris. Since then, the Indian authorities have been carrying out different tactics like political engineering, demographic marginalization, socio-economic machinations, cultural invasion and last but not the least media curbs to strengthen its grip over IIOJ&K but all their efforts could not get desired results and the resolve for self-determination in Kashmir has remained undiminished.
While the people of Kashmir are grappling with multiple challenges on the economic and security front which has developed a deep resentment among them. Whereas, the Indian authorities who miserably failed to address grievances of people are in illusion, unaware of ground realities and busy in crafting a narrative of normalcy. New Delhi must understand that more than seven decades of occupation coupled with all forms of atrocities, heavy militarization couldn’t work for them. Brave people of Kashmir are determined enough to get freedom from illegal occupation. Defeat of BJP in Kashmir in recent elections is a depiction of strong hatred and rejection of Kashmiris towards the Modi government and its policies.
The peace and prosperity of the entire region is under siege due to the Indian government’s hegemonic designs and Hindutva driven politics. While a just resolution of the Kashmir issue is a key to the peace and prosperity of the entire region, the people of Kashmir in particular and the region in general are paying the price of the international community’s double standards towards Muslims countries’ issues.
Dialogue on Kashmir conflict
By: Dr Ghulam Nabi Fai | October 28, 2024
Courtesy : Pakistan Observer
Kashmir Council Sweden organized an important event to observe the October 27th as the day of occupation, a day of grief and sorrow. The event took place at Stockholm Waterfront Congress Center.
Describing the objective of the Council, Sardar Tamur Aziz, President of the Council and Emcee of the event said that our objective is to advocate for a peaceful resolution to the Kashmir conflict, ensuring the rights and freedoms of the people of Kashmir and promoting their right to self-determination. Council emphasizes an end to human rights abuses in the region and aims to provide Kashmiri voices a platform in international forums.
Sardar Tamur added that Kashmir Black day is observed on October 27. It marks the day in 1947 when Indian troops entered Jammu and Kashmir changing the regions history. Observance of Black Day is a symbol of protest by Kashmiris and supporters worldwide. It calls attention to what many view as a day of occupation and highlights the region’s struggle for self-determination.
Ambassador of Pakistan to Sweden Bilal Hayee, said that the original sin of the tragedy of Kashmir began when India occupied the State of Jammu and Kashmir by sending its army without the consent of the people of Kashmir. He said that the claim of India that Maharaja signed the ‘Instrument of Accession’ (IOA) is fraudulent assertion as the original copy has never been found.
Ambassador Bilal Hayee emphasized that the claim of IOA was never accepted by the United Nations when the issue was raised at the Security Council. The United Nations Security Council made it abundantly clear that the future of Kashmir shall be decided by the people of Kashmir through a plebiscite which will be supervised and monitored by the United Nations.
“I would like to make it clear that the international agreements, like the UN Security Council resolutions on Kashmir can never become obsolete. It remains active on the agenda of the UN SC as long as they are not implemented. The passage of time can never invalidate the solemn pledges given by the United Nations to the people of Kashmir,” said Ambassador Hayee.
Speaking via zoom, Dr. Ghulam Nabi Fai, Chairman, World Forum for Peace & Justice said that October 27th is being observed as a day of occupation because it is on that fateful day in 1947 that India occupied the state of Jammu and Kashmir. More than 350,000 Kashmiris were massacred by the army of Maharaja (The ruler) in Jammu area alone because they wanted to go to Pakistan. What a strange coincidence that exactly the same time more than 700,000 Palestinian were expelled from their homeland in May of 1948 and the state of Israel was established. The United Nations discussed and debated both the issues of Palestine and Kashmir in April of 948 and agreed upon that there will be a separate homeland for the people of Palestine and the people of Kashmir will be given the right to self-determination to decide their future. Unfortunately, until today, no referendum took place in Kashmir and no homeland was established for the people of Palestine.
Dr. Fai added that we should tell the Swedish parliamentarians that Ambassador Gunnar Jarring, the Swedish Ambassador to the United Nations proved to be prophetic when he said on October 29, 1957, that “the use of force aimed at changing the status quo must be excluded. It also implies that the parties should desist from taking internal legislative measures by which the State of Jammu and Kashmir would be considered definitely incorporated in the territory of one of the two parties and which would prejudice the Security Council’s continued deliberations on this matter.” Isn’t it the answer to the reckless and illegal action taken by Modi Administration on August 5, 2019, when it abrogated Article 370 and 35 A and then enacted Domicile Law to change the demography of Kashmir, Dr. Fai asked? Later Ambassador Gunnar jarring was appointed be the United Nations Special Representative on Kashmir.
Choudhary Zafar Iqbal, the President of the Council thanked the attendees for their participation. He added that the current situation in Kashmir remains tense with heightened security, restricted movement and increased communication blackouts, especially after political changes like the revocation of Article 370 & 35A.
A well known Swedish politician, Anders Tiger expressed his solidarity with the people of Kashmir. At the end of the event, it was unanimously agreed that a campaign must be initiated in Sweden for the release of all political prisoners in Kashmir, including, Mohammad Yasin Mali, Shabir Ahmed Shah, Masarat Aalm, Aaisia Andrabi. Sofi Fehmedea, Nahida Nasreen and globally recognized human rights activist, Khurram Parvez.
Inauspicious Day in The History of Kashmir!
By: Faisal Ahmad | October 28, 2024
Courtesy : Daily Times
27 October serves as a poignant reminder of the ongoing struggle for self-determination faced by the people of IIOJK. This day is marked by Kashmiris and Pakistanis worldwide to express solidarity and highlight the human rights violations occurring in the region since 1947.
Kashmir was a princely state under Dogra rule marked by repressive governance and significant indigenous resistance before the partition of India. The region is rich in cultural diversity with a majority Muslim population that played a crucial role in its political landscape. The discontent against the Dogra monarchy laid the groundwork for future upheaval.
Maharaja Hari Singh’s reluctance to join Pakistan or India following the Partition was crucial. As unrest grew, he faced a popular uprising against his rule. On 26 October 1947, under pressure and amidst chaos, he signed the Instrument of Accession to India, which many argue was done under duress. In October 1947, tribals from Pakistan entered Kashmir to protect their Muslim brethren from Dogra forces. This invasion was later framed by India as a foreign incursion, justifying military intervention. On 27 October, Indian troops were airlifted into Srinagar, marking an illegal occupation and categorizing this day as ‘Black Day’.
Global players have largely failed to mediate effectively in the Kashmir dispute despite its significance in South Asian geopolitics.
Historically, India took the Kashmir issue to the United Nations, with Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru promising a plebiscite to ascertain the will of the Kashmiri people. However, this promise remains unfulfilled still, leading to ongoing tensions.
The Partition Plan allowed princely states to choose their allegiance. While other states like Hyderabad and Junagarh faced similar dilemmas, Kashmir’s accession remains contentious due to its Muslim majority population. The legitimacy of the Instrument of Accession is hotly debated. India insists it is a legal agreement and views the accession as binding and legal. However, it was signed under coercion. Pakistan contests its validity based on Kashmir’s demographics (Muslim Majority) and the circumstances surrounding its signing.
The United Nations intervened in 1948 with resolutions calling for a plebiscite in Kashmir. These resolutions aimed to allow Kashmiris to decide their future but have never been implemented. The failure to conduct a plebiscite stems from India’s reluctance to withdraw troops has perpetuated instability. The lack of resolution has led to prolonged suffering for ordinary Kashmiris, who face daily violence and repression under barbaric and ferocious Indian rule.
In August 2019, India revoked Article 370, bifurcating Jammu and Kashmir into two Union Territories-Jammu & Kashmir and Ladakh. This move sparked widespread protests and international condemnation as it altered the region’s demographic landscape. Article 370 granted Jammu and Kashmir special status within India, allowing for autonomy in governance. This provision was crucial for maintaining regional identity and rights. This revocation intensified unrest in Kashmir, leading to increased military presence and crackdowns on dissent. Recent elections in the disputed region were also aimed to project that the situation is normal whereas the ground realities tend to differ.
Veteran Kashmiri Idealogue Syed Ali Geelani articulated, “India without any constitutional and moral justifications forcibly occupied the state of Jammu & Kashmir and since then this army is mercilessly killing the innocent and unarmed Kashmiris, vandalizing their properties and raping their daughters and sisters”. Kashmir is one of the most militarized regions globally, with over one million troops deployed. Ordinary citizens live under constant surveillance, curfews, and internet blackouts. Reports from organizations like Amnesty International detail severe human rights abuses: enforced disappearances, arbitrary detentions, rapes and extrajudicial killings are rampant. Families recount harrowing stories of loss due to state-backed violence.
Global Players have largely failed to mediate effectively in the Kashmir dispute despite its significance in South Asian geopolitics. The lack of resolution has implications for regional stability.
Kashmir remains a flashpoint between nuclear-armed neighbours Pakistan and India, with international interest in preventing conflict escalation. Repeated attempts at dialogue have stalled due to entrenched positions on both sides. Confidence-building measures have been undermined by ongoing violence and atrocities in IIOJK by the tyrannical Hindu regime.
27 October serves as a day of mourning for many Kashmiri families who have lost loved ones due to conflict. It encapsulates a complex history marked by struggle, resilience, and hope among its people. Kashmiris view this day as a catalyst for their struggle for self-determination. Excerpts from the statement of Syed Ali Geelani on the occasion of Black Day in 2013 remain pertinent, “This day is an inauspicious day in the history of Kashmir when forcibly we were made slaves.
Till 1947 Jammu and Kashmir was a free and sovereign state and as per the principles laid for the partition between India and Pakistan, it is clear that Kashmir is not in any way a part of India however India with its dint of might forcibly occupied and landed its troops in Kashmir and turned it into their colony. The people of Kashmir must convey a message on 27th October to the world that they would never acknowledge the ‘forced occupation’ and will pursue the freedom struggle till the last trooper leaves Jammu and Kashmir”.
Think global and act local: Pakistan's SDGs challenge
By: Dr Shahid Hussain Kamboyo | October 28, 2024
Courtesy : The Express Tribune
The SDGs revolve around five core themes, often called the "5 P's"Planet, People, Prosperity, Peace and Partnership. Each theme is interconnected, with the protection of the planet's natural resources and climate sustainability being key to eradicating poverty and hunger. This, in turn, fosters peace, justice and social inclusion. Achieving these goals necessitates partnerships across all levels of society.
A significant challenge for Pakistan is the lack of local involvement. While SDGs Service Delivery Units exist, their reach often does not extend beyond designated areas. A 2019 report by Gold V pointed out the absence of local government representation in the SDGs framework, underscoring a critical flaw. Local governments, which are closest to communities, are frequently excluded from planning and decision-making processes. An international conference in 2018 titled "Think Global, Act Local - SDG Implementation through Local Governments" stressed the importance of empowering local councils, yet significant progress is still needed.
Former UN Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon remarked, "Development is domestic like politics," highlighting the necessity of local engagement in driving sustainable development. Local governments directly address issues such as clean water, education and economic growth - core aspects of the SDGs. Empowering these local bodies ensures that marginalised and vulnerable communities are included in the decision-making process, helping to align global goals with local realities.
Looking at other developing nations can provide valuable lessons for Pakistan. For instance, Rwanda, ranked 90th in the 2024 SDGs Index, has successfully implemented a bottom-up governance model that engages local communities in the SDGs agenda. Similarly, Bangladesh (ranked 107th) and Kenya (ranked 123rd) have utilised decentralised governance to enhance community participation in development initiatives. Countries like Bhutan (61st), Maldives (67th), Sri Lanka (93rd) and Nepal (95th) also showcase successful localised approaches to achieving the SDGs.
For Pakistan, a major obstacle is that local governments lack sufficient financial and administrative autonomy to effectively execute SDG-related programmes. Although the Constitution of 1973 guarantees the devolution of power, many local councils remain under-resourced and have little authority to make decisions on key development issues, which hinders progress. For future development, the role of SDGs is crucial in boosting local-level development, as they are based on approaches that connect people, the planet and the environment. This necessitates that all governments and institutions prioritise people at the centre of development efforts. Most SDG targets relate directly to localities and their welfare; thus, localisation can serve as a change agent to align global goals with local communities.
There is a dire need to raise awareness among the masses regarding the significance of the SDGs. Even individuals in higher forums often lack an understanding of the SDGs' true spirit. Recently, I attended the Leaders Fellowship 2024 in the Maldives from October 10 to October 13, focusing on SDGs. This event gathered over 40 participants from diverse nationalities, sharing various experiences related to the SDGs. However, a noticeable gap in relevant and specific knowledge regarding the implementation and localisation of SDGs worldwide highlighted the pressing need for focused discussions and training on how different countries can effectively localise and implement these global goals.
Local councillors, being locally mandated, can emerge as true parliamentarians who lead from the grassroots. They understand local culture, identify specific obstacles, reach out to marginalised communities, ensure participation without discrimination, facilitate public-private partnerships and address local grievances. Their pivotal role can significantly uplift communities through local taxation. Local government, being the closest level to the people, is the first line of response and must create ownership and awareness among the masses to achieve the globally agreed agenda.
To address the challenges of local governance in Pakistan, it is essential to strengthen local governments by devolving the financial and administrative powers. Lessons from Rwanda, Kenya and India illustrate that when local authorities have autonomy, they can develop tailored solutions addressing specific community needs. Raising public awareness about the SDGs is also critical. Countries like Bangladesh have successfully mobilised local communities through awareness campaigns, ensuring citizens understand their role in sustainable development. Encouraging public-private partnerships (PPPs) is another vital strategy. In Ghana, such partnerships have driven progress in sectors like renewable energy and education. By involving the private sector, Pakistan can harness additional resources and expertise to meet its development goals, particularly at the local level. Additionally, community-led monitoring systems can help track SDG progress. Uganda has implemented a community scorecard system, enabling citizens to provide feedback on local government services and development projects. This kind of bottom-up monitoring ensures greater accountability and transparency, which are critical for achieving the SDGs.
Pakistan's success in achieving the SDGs will depend on moving away from a top-down approach and embracing local empowerment. By fostering local ownership, building partnerships and creating robust monitoring systems, Pakistan can make meaningful strides toward achieving these global goals. The slogan "Think Global, Act Local" is not just rhetoric - it is a necessary strategy to ensure that no one is left behind.
Modi’s Mussalman problem
By: Shahid Javed Burki | October 28, 2024
Courtesy : The Express Tribune
This began to change, first gradually and then quickly as Prime Minister Narendra Modi gained political power. Modi, after having served as the Chief Minister of Gujarat in India’s west, became prime minister in 2014. By winning the majority of seats in Lok Sabah, the lower house of the Indian parliament, Modi’s Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) was able to form a government of its own. Previous administrations were coalitions of several parties with Congress in the lead. Coalition rule means accommodating different points of view. When the government is based on one party, it follows that party’s philosophy of governance. That has happened in India.
Modi came to Delhi with a reputation of being a Hindu communal leader. In 2002, a fire in a train killed 59 Hindu pilgrims. Although there was uncertainty about the cause of the fire, violent Hindu mobs targeted the Muslim community, leaving more than 1,000 people dead, several burned alive. Modi as Chief Minister could have prevented the slaughter, but he looked the other way, allowing the mob to pick up Muslims from their houses.
By winning a larger majority in the 2019 elections compared to 2014, Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the BJP, decided that India was ready to adopt Hindutva as the governing philosophy. This approach held that India was a Hindu nation and should, therefore, base governance on the Hindutva concept of governing. Adopting that as the governing approach, India began to give low status to minority religions even when their numbers were large as was the case with the Muslim population. In 2021, the number of Muslims were estimated at 200 million in a population of 1.4 billion people.
Hindu extremists in Indian politics sharpened their attacks on Muslims, encouraged by senior functionaries in the Modi government and the BJP. According to a report filed on February 8, 2022, by The New York Times journalists from the city of Haridwar, “before a packed audience and thousands watching online, the monks called for violence against the country’s minority Muslims. The monks’ speeches in one of the holiest cities of the country promoted a genocidal campaign to ‘kill two million of them’ and urged an ethnic cleansing of the type that targeted Rohingya Muslims in Myanmar.” The event was organised by Yati Narsinghanand, a Hindu extremist, who continued to make speeches that were regarded as spreading hate. He saw India’s Muslims who account for 15 per cent of the country’s population as the enemies of the Hindu state and, given their higher birth rate compared to the Indian average, would turn India into a Muslim state within a decade.
Once regarded as fringe elements in Indian politics, the extremists were more blatantly taking their message into the mainstream. This provoked hate in a push to reshape India’s constitutionally protected secular republic into a Hindu state. Modi and his top leaders chose to remain silent. “You have persons giving a hate speech, actually calling for genocide of an entire group, and we find reluctance of the authorities to book these people,” Rohinton Fali Nariman, a recently retired Indian Supreme Court judge, said in public lecture. “Unfortunately, the other higher echelons of the ruling party are not only being silent on hate speech, but almost endorsing it.”
Hindu extremists celebrated Nathuram Godse, Mahatma Gandhi’s assassin. Pooja Sahkun Pandey, a monk at the Haridwar temple, held reenactments of Gandhi’s assassination, firing a bullet into his effigy as blood ran down. Godse was member of the Rashtriya Swamyamsevak Sangh, RSS, a century old right wing Hindu group that borrowed heavily from the Nazi Party in Germany. Modi is also a member of the RSS. The current campaign was led by Narsinghananad, an extremist, who gained attention following the adoption by the parliament of a citizenship amendment seen as discriminatory against Muslims. When the Muslim community protested, Narsinghananad called for violence using the language of a “final battle”. He had no problem encouraging his followers to murder Muslims. “They are Jihadis and we will have to finish them off.” His agenda and of those who agreed with him was to rewrite the Indian political system. “This Constitution will be the end of Hindus, all one billion Hindus,” he said in one address. “Whoever believes in this system, in this Supreme Court, in these politicians, in this Constitution, in this army and police — they will die a dog’s death.”
The tension between Hinduism and Islam in India has been increasing since the arrival of Narendra Modi in the prime minister’s residence. He has used the ownership of places of worship as one way of exciting Hindus against the Muslim community. It was his party’s campaign that led to a crowd of Hindus to demolish the Babri mosque built at a place called Ayodhya in the state of Uttar Pradesh. The Indian Supreme Court awarded to the Hindu community the land on which the mosque was build centuries ago. A large temple was built on that land. There is now another dispute concerning a 17th century mosque called Gyan Vapi in Varanasi, Hinduism’s holiest city. A court found a relic of a Hindu deity on its premises. The area was sealed by the order of the court and large prayer gatherings were banned.
The Hindu efforts to reclaim Muslim places of worship aren’t primarily about litigating about the past, experts say. “For Hindu nationalists, there is no place for Muslims in India’s future except as oppressed, second-class citizens whose rights are routinely denied,” said Audrey Truschke, a professor of South Asian history at Rutgers University. A local Indian scholar expressed the same kind of view. The Hindu nationalist view of history is “extremely prejudiced and totally motivated by the desire to inculcate blind pride in oneself and blind hatred of the other,” said Tanika Sarkar, a historian who taught at New Delhi’s Jawaharlal Nehru University.
Kashmir: The way forward
By: Ayesha Arif Khan | October 28, 2024
Courtesy : The News International
October 27, a day of solemn remembrance-looms large, primarily owing to the 1947 breach by Indian soldiers violating the territorial bounds of Kashmir, landing in Srinagar to illegally occupy the territory and subjugate the people of Kashmir in clear violation of international law and humanitarian norms – signalling the beginning of decades of unrest.
For those in Occupied Kashmir and throughout Pakistan this day is truly a ‘Black Day’. Every year, the valley comes alive with stories of optimism, calls for freedom, and aspirations of a future unfettered from the shackles of occupation as the day comes near.
On August 5, 2019, things took a turn for the worse. A brooding storm wreaked havoc when the Indian government abrogated Articles 370 and 35A, repealing Occupied Kashmir of its special status and incorporation into the larger framework of the Indian constitution, which simply put meant the beginning of a metaphorical end – a meagre hope for a stable future and a present with dignified liberty was thus stripped away.
An avalanche of subjugation accompanied the news that shook Kashmir to its core. The very essence of human rights – those sacred threads weaving the fabric of humanity – began to fray. The air grew thick with fear as dissenting voices encountered stifling glares. The echoes of silence served as a chilling reminder that the struggle for freedom is not only a legal battle but an internal one, where the ember of hope must be protected against the unyielding winds of oppression.
As a juggernaut gripped the valley and all of Pakistan, the families in the valley gathered to explore the ramifications of a new era in which previously protected rights appeared to disappear like mist in the early sun. Pakistan, deeply rooted to the Kashmir cause, is insistent on finding a way through this glaring infringement of fundamental rights.
In the shadow of historical tensions and unresolved conflicts, the path forward for neighbouring rival nations lies in fostering dialogue and mutual understanding.
Pakistan could enhance its diplomatic efforts to garner international support for the Kashmiri cause, emphasising human rights violations and the need for a peaceful resolution and a right to self-determination for the people of Kashmir. Engaging with global powers and organisations may help raise awareness and pressure for dialogue. This can be undertaken as a pivotal task by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as well as by parliamentary committees.
An additional effort must be made to amplify the voices of Kashmiris in any discussions about their future. Both Pakistan and international organisations should prioritise monitoring and reporting on human rights conditions in Occupied Kashmir. Advocacy for humanitarian assistance and the protection of civil liberties can help alleviate the suffering of the Kashmiri people.
Initiating backchannel dialogues with India could open avenues for discussions on Occupied Kashmir. Establishing a framework for negotiations that includes all stakeholders, particularly Kashmiris, may foster a more constructive environment. The Ministry of Information and Broadcasting can step in to project the Kashmir cause through a multitude of mediums.
Fostering cultural exchanges connects diverse communities through shared experiences and mutual understanding – a means by which Kashmiris can be humanised and made relatable to the demography of India.
Students from different backgrounds coming together to explore each other’s histories, arts, and traditions enriches everyone involved. These interactions dispel barriers and misconceptions. As relations thaw and knowledge deepens, a foundation of trust is established, paving the way for collaboration and peaceful coexistence.
Pakistan laments the plight of Kashmir but it also recognises the need for regional stability and collective cooperation. By pursuing the avenues discussed, there is potential for a more constructive resolution to the Kashmir issue.
Ultimately, a peaceful resolution to the Kashmir issue, where Kashmiris are granted the right of self-determination would not only benefit the two nations but also contribute to broader regional security and prosperity.
27 Oct 1947: A dark day in Kashmir’s history
By: Rana Zahid Iqbal | October 26, 2024
Courtesy : Pakistan Observer
THE treatment of the paradise-like valley of Kashmir and its people by the stubborn, extremist Hindu rulers of India is a glaring example of global bias. Otherwise, it would be impossible for the international community, which claims to champion humanity, to refrain from addressing India’s state terrorism. It should be the duty of the global community, human rights advocates and the United Nations to fulfil their promises to the people of Indian-occupied Kashmir.
On the occasion of October 27, we will tell the international community and especially the Indian government that the time has come to grant the Kashmiris, who have been exploited and kept in chains of slavery for 77 years, their right to self-determination so they can live as they wish. October 27 is a day to renew our pledge. Until Kashmir and its people gain their freedom, Black Day will remain a stain on the conscience of those self-proclaimed and biased custodians of humanity.
Not a single day passes in the state of Jammu and Kashmir without unarmed and innocent Kashmiris facing brutality and state oppression at the hands of the occupying Indian army and the local puppet government. These atrocities by India have been ongoing since the partition of the subcontinent, but Modi’s government has broken all past records. Indian state terrorism in the occupied valley is now at its peak. The whole world is well aware that the people of occupied Jammu and Kashmir are engaged in a peaceful political struggle for their right to self-determination. These defenceless and peace-loving people simply want the right to decide their political future which is undoubtedly a legitimate and legal demand.
The Kashmiri people are fighting for the restoration of their basic rights, guaranteed by the United Nations and the Human Rights Commission. In such circumstances, the oppressed Kashmiris have the right to ask where the international community, the so-called champions of human rights, is and when the global conscience will awaken. Jurists from Grotius to the present agree that if a state denies its citizens basic human rights, safety, and freedom of religion and conscience, other states have the right to intervene. The UN Charter’s preamble affirms the international community’s commitment to human rights, dignity, and global peace. Article 1 outlines the UN’s objectives, including promoting human rights, self-determination, and freedom, urging global action and cooperation.
Under Article 13, the General Assembly is tasked with studying and making recommendations for achieving these goals and encouraging nations to follow them. Since the UN Charter is an agreement between its member states, it is legally binding for them to respect and promote human rights and the right to self-determination. Jammu and Kashmir today is a challenge for global conscience, and every country in world has the legal and moral right to intervene in Jammu and Kashmir and take punitive action against India.
India’s nuclear program: Safety and security concerns
By: Asad Ali | October 26, 2024
Courtesy : Pakistan Observer
INDIA’S nuclear ambitions have long attracted regional and international interest. Since its first successful nuclear test in 1974, India has steadily built its nuclear arsenal and infrastructure, positioning itself as a significant player in the global nuclear landscape. However, concerns about the safety, security and oversight of India’s nuclear program are raising alarm bells not only among neighbouring countries but also within the international community. Worries include the possibility of nuclear material falling into the wrong hands and the potential misuse of India’s growing nuclear technology. Adding to these concerns is the Financial Action Task Force’s (FATF) increasing scrutiny of India’s activities, particularly regarding its financial governance and connections to nuclear proliferation. As these concerns grow, it is crucial to question whether India’s nuclear program is truly as safe and secure as it claims. India’s nuclear infrastructure is expansive, encompassing both civilian and military applications. Despite this, India has yet to sign the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT), which many countries rely on as a safeguard for global nuclear stability. Without such commitments, India’s nuclear activities remain opaque, lacking the level of transparency that global nuclear watchdogs deem essential for ensuring safety.
Several instances have cast doubt on the safety of India’s nuclear facilities. Reports have emerged of mishandling radioactive material, leading to accidents that have put both workers and civilians at risk. In 2014, a major radioactive leak occurred at India’s Kaiga Nuclear Power Plant, raising alarm about the country’s safety protocols. Although Indian officials downplayed the incident, it highlighted systemic problems within India’s nuclear safety regime. Moreover, personnel at Indian nuclear plants have reportedly been exposed to dangerous levels of radiation due to inadequate safety measures, raising questions about India’s ability to protect its citizens from the hazards of its nuclear activities. Further compounding these safety concerns is the lack of proper oversight and regulatory independence. India’s Atomic Energy Regulatory Board (AERB), tasked with overseeing nuclear safety, is under the direct control of the Department of Atomic Energy, which operates India’s nuclear facilities. This conflict of interest prevents the AERB from functioning as an independent watchdog and inhibits its ability to enforce safety regulations effectively. With such issues at the heart of India’s nuclear framework, the international community has every reason to be concerned about the safety and security of India’s nuclear program.
In addition to concerns about nuclear safety, the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) has increasingly scrutinized India’s financial actions, particularly regarding terrorism financing and the risks of nuclear proliferation. While FATF’s primary focus has historically been on ensuring that countries adhere to financial standards to combat money laundering and terrorism financing, it has become more concerned about how certain states, including India, might be inadvertently—or deliberately—facilitating the flow of funds that could be used for nuclear proliferation activities. Moreover, India’s growing nuclear cooperation with countries like Israel, which is itself not a signatory to the NPT, raises red flags. While these partnerships are framed as efforts to bolster energy security or defense capabilities, they also blur the lines between civilian and military nuclear applications, making it harder for international regulators to ensure that nuclear technologies are not diverted toward unsanctioned uses.
FATF’s concerns also extend to India’s financial infrastructure, which may not be equipped to handle the complexities of tracking and regulating nuclear-related transactions. Given that India has received billions in defense-related deals and nuclear cooperation agreements, the possibility of funds being misused for illegal or dangerous purposes cannot be ruled out. These concerns are heightened by India’s complex and often opaque financial systems, which are not immune to corruption and money laundering, further raising the stakes in the global arena. India’s nuclear program is not just an internal issue but a matter of significant regional concern. Pakistan, India’s nuclear-armed neighbour, has repeatedly expressed worries about the safety and intentions behind India’s nuclear advancements. Pakistan, too, faces international scrutiny for its nuclear program, but it remains deeply concerned that any misstep by India could lead to catastrophic consequences for the region.
Furthermore, India’s strained relations with China, another nuclear power, add to the precarious nature of the region’s security environment. Any potential escalation between India and its nuclear-armed neighbours increases the risk of miscalculations that could spiral into a full-blown nuclear conflict. With both China and Pakistan watching India’s nuclear moves closely, the international community has a vested interest in ensuring that India’s nuclear activities are transparent, safe and secure. India’s nuclear program, while significant, is fraught with concerns over safety, security and international oversight. With FATF increasingly scrutinizing India’s actions and the global community worried about the potential for nuclear proliferation, it is crucial for India to take concrete steps toward greater accountability. Only through transparent cooperation, both regionally and internationally, can India mitigate the growing fears surrounding its nuclear ambitions and ensure that its nuclear program does not pose a threat to global security.
Pakistan as a global hub
By: Dr Sahibzada Ali Mahmud | October 26, 2024
Courtesy : The News International
In today’s hyper-connected world, the concept of airport cities, or aerotropolises, offers Pakistan a transformative opportunity to position itself as a global hub for innovation, economic activity, and cultural exchange.
By creating visa-free entry zones regulated through technology, these airport-centred cities could become thriving ecosystems that encourage collaboration, investment, and creativity, while also showcasing Pakistan’s rich cultural heritage.
An aerotropolis is a modern city built around an airport, designed to serve as a hub for business, commerce, and tourism. These cities offer a concentrated environment where industries, startups, and digital enterprises can thrive, leveraging proximity to international transport links to accelerate growth. For Pakistan, the establishment of aerotropolises would be a groundbreaking step toward integrating its economy with the global market while fostering local innovation and development.
One of the most exciting features of these aerotropolises would be the implementation of visa-free entry within its boundaries. This policy would eliminate the traditional barriers associated with international travel, such as lengthy visa processes, allowing global visitors, investors, and entrepreneurs to easily enter Pakistan’s aerotropolis zones.
Access would be efficiently managed through advanced technology like RFID-based systems and biometric controls, ensuring security while facilitating a smooth entry process. By simplifying access, Pakistan can position itself as a welcoming, business-friendly destination, which would significantly boost tourism, business, and foreign investment. This open-door policy would not only enhance Pakistan’s global reputation but also offer local businesses and innovators greater exposure to international markets and partners.
At the heart of these aerotropolises would be vibrant ecosystems designed to nurture creativity and entrepreneurship. Purpose-built co-working spaces would allow professionals, both local and international, to collaborate and innovate. These zones would be equipped with cutting-edge infrastructure, enabling the rapid development of tech startups, digital enterprises, and other knowledge-based businesses. By bringing together talent from diverse fields, these hubs would drive forward-thinking solutions across a range of industries.
Pakistan’s aerotropolises could become central nodes in the global digital economy, housing both established digital enterprises and emerging startups. These zones could serve as breeding grounds for tech innovation, enabling Pakistani entrepreneurs to work side by side with international experts. From fintech to AI, blockchain to e-commerce, the aerotropolis would create a fertile environment for digital transformation and technological advancement.
The inclusion of incubation centres would also provide young startups with the mentorship, funding, and networks needed to succeed. By nurturing these businesses, Pakistan would not only foster homegrown talent but also attract foreign entrepreneurs looking for a base in a fast-growing economy. Beyond traditional business sectors, these airport cities can also tap into the rapidly growing e-sports and digital entertainment industries.
The construction of state-of-the-art e-gaming arenas would allow Pakistan to host international gaming tournaments, drawing participants and audiences from around the globe. The inclusion of immersive digital experiences, such as virtual reality gaming and augmented reality displays, could provide a cutting-edge entertainment offering that sets the aerotropolis apart from traditional urban developments.
While an aerotropolis would be a hub of innovation and business, it would also serve as a cultural showcase for Pakistan’s rich heritage. Visitors would have access to immersive virtual experiences that bring the country’s most famous tourist attractions to life. Through advanced virtual reality setups, travelers could take interactive tours of Pakistan’s ancient historical sites, such as Mohenjo-Daro, Badshahi Masjid, or the breathtaking Hunza Valley, without leaving the aerotropolis. This would not only promote tourism across the country but also offer visitors a unique cultural experience unlike any other. Furthermore, specialized immersive virtual tours can be provided for purposes of religious tourism e.g. Buddhist sites in Pakistan.
In addition to digital tourism, cultural centres within the aerotropolises would offer real-world experiences with traditional Pakistani cuisine, handicrafts, and cultural performances. These centres would highlight the diversity and richness of Pakistan’s regions. Such experiences would provide a holistic view of the country’s heritage, encouraging tourists to explore beyond the aerotropolis and into Pakistan’s vibrant landscapes and communities.
Foreign direct investment would be a key driver of growth in these aerotropolises. By offering streamlined, one-window facilitation services for setting up businesses, these cities would remove the bureaucratic hurdles that often slow down investment. International companies and digital enterprises could easily establish operations within the aerotropolis, benefiting from visa-free access, modern infrastructure, and a highly skilled talent pool. Whether they are looking to set up a regional office, manufacturing facility, or digital platform, an aerotropolis would provide an attractive, low-risk environment for foreign investors.
As part of Pakistan’s vision for a secure and efficient aerotropolis, technology would play a crucial role in regulating access and maintaining security. RFID-based access control, biometric verification, IoT networks, and AI-powered surveillance systems would ensure that only authorized personnel and visitors can enter restricted zones. These smart security measures would be complemented by energy-efficient infrastructure, integrating renewable energy sources and sustainable practices to create eco-friendly, smart cities.
The use of smart city technologies would also enable these airport cities to optimize resource usage, improve traffic management, and offer high-quality public services in a seamless, tech-enabled environment. This integration of technology would not only ensure operational efficiency but also set a new benchmark for sustainable urban development in Pakistan.
These aerotropolises would become hotspots for international conferences, trade expos, and cultural events, serving as platforms for global dialogue and collaboration. Whether hosting a global AI summit, a clean energy expo, or an international cultural festival, these airport cities would provide a gateway for Pakistan to engage with the world.
Visa-free access and modern infrastructure would make it easier than ever for global thought leaders, entrepreneurs, and investors to converge in Pakistan, driving in-person interactions and fostering partnerships across industries. These events would also offer Pakistan an opportunity to showcase its progress in emerging technologies and sustainability practices, further enhancing its standing on the world stage.
Sustainable Aviation Fuels: Can Pakistan’s aviation industry embrace the green revolution?
By: Naba Fatima | October 26, 2024
Courtesy : Pakistan Today
As the aviation industry continues to expand globally, the pressing need for its transition to greener operations can no longer be regarded as a distant concern. The European Commission’s stark warning that aviation emissions could triple by 2050 has ignited a global push for sustainable solutions, with major companies like Airbus leading the charge.
At the core of this drive lies Sustainable Aviation Fuels, heralded as a pivotal solution for the aviation industry’s carbon-neutral future. However, keeping in view the economic and technological constraints, the question is whether Pakistan’s aviation industry can embrace the green revolution.
SAFs represent a significant advancement in the decarbonisation of the aviation industry. Unlike conventional fuels, SAFs are produced from renewable feedstocks such as agricultural wastes, municipal solid waste, and energy crops. The lifecycle emissions of SAFs can be up to 80 percent lower than fossil fuels, making them a game-changer for the aviation industry. Despite their environmental benefits, SAFs are two to three times more expensive than the traditional jet fuels.
This cost difference, accompanied by limited production capacity has regressed the global uptake of SAFs. In 2023, SAFs accounted for just three percent of total aviation fuel consumption, a far cry from the levels needed to meet the industry’s decarbonisation goals. Under the given circumstances, a green revolution in Pakistan’s aviation industry is a gigantic challenge.
For a greener aviation future, Pakistan’s Civil Aviation Authority (CCA) is making significant strides by collaborating with the International Civil Aviation Organisation (ICAO), establishing National Environmental Quality Standards, and emphasising environmentally sustainable airports. Although the aviation industry is moving in the right direction, the challenges are huge and the progress is slow.
One of the major challenges to widespread SAF adoption in Pakistan is their high cost. Airlines already struggling with financial constraints are hesitant to bear the additional expenses. Similarly, middle class passengers, who make a significant portion of the customer base, would likely resist any further increase in ticket prices. To combat this impediment, the government can subsidise SAFs or provide direct financial support to airlines that use these fuels.
Additionally, international financing through green climate funds can be explored to subsidise SAF production and usage. However, these solutions come with their own challenges. Government subsidies can strain an already stretched national budget and securing international funding often involves lengthy processes.
In a nutshell, while the potential of SAFs to revolutionise the aviation industry is undeniable, Pakistan’s ability to fully adopt this green revolution remains challenging. The economic, infrastructural, and technological challenges are significant, but not insurmountable. With the right blend of government policy, international collaboration, and gradual investment in SAF infrastructure, Pakistan will take sustainable strides towards a sustainable aviation future. Pakistan needs to align itself with global decarbonisation efforts by developing domestic capacity thus offering hope for a greener tomorrow.
To resolve these impediments, Pakistan can opt for piloting SAFs adoption on a small scale, gradually expanding its use as cost-effective production technology, further enhancing its accessibility. Nevertheless, instead of securing international funds, an alternative could be to attract Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) from Multinational Corporations. By offering investment incentives in Special Economic Zones having airports and relaxing regulatory hurdles through the Special Investment Facilitation Council, Pakistan can create investment opportunities for MNCs.
Another challenge for regulating SAFs’ adaptation in Pakistan is the absence of domestic production plants, along with the lack of an effective mechanism for collecting feedstock. Without an established industry for SAF production, Pakistan would be completely dependent on expensive imports, further escalating costs and limiting adoption. Furthermore, the development of an indigenous SAF production industry requires technological expertise and infrastructure.
To address these impediments, the Ministry of Aviation needs to formulate a policy that encourages public-private partnerships (PPP) and international collaborations with countries that are in the forefront of SAF production. By partnering with established global players like Total Energies and SINOPEC that have recently signed a joint venture, Pakistan can leverage their expertise in SAF production, technology sharing, and establishing a service mechanism. This will also lead to identifying local refineries capable of conversion and participating with international companies to develop production units that process local waste.
In a nutshell, while the potential of SAFs to revolutionise the aviation industry is undeniable, Pakistan’s ability to fully adopt this green revolution remains challenging. The economic, infrastructural, and technological challenges are significant, but not insurmountable. With the right blend of government policy, international collaboration, and gradual investment in SAF infrastructure, Pakistan will take sustainable strides towards a sustainable aviation future. Pakistan needs to align itself with global decarbonisation efforts by developing domestic capacity thus offering hope for a greener tomorrow.
Eastward shifts in emerging global trends from SCO and BRICS summits
By: Tehzeeb Hussain Bercha | October 26, 2024
Courtesy : Pakistan Today
The recently concluded Shanghai Corporation Organization Summit in Islamabad, Pakistan, and the BRICS summit in Kazan, Russia, has captured the attention of the world’s geopolitical pundits, and herald a titanic shift in global power dynamics, international alliances, and economic policies.
These high-level meetings underscore China and Russia’s growing influence not only in Eurasia and Central Asia but across all continents. The increasing collaboration and partnership between countries through these multilateral organizations presents an alternative framework to the traditional UN system, and a platform for nations to collectively address political, social, economic and security issues on the global level.
Pakistan accomplished a noteworthy diplomatic milestone by successfully hosting the SCO Summit, reaffirming its strategic relevance in South Asia and Eurasia. The presence of leaders from all 10 SCO member states, including India’s Foreign Minister, S. Jaishankar, marked a historic moment. It was the first visit of an Indian foreign minister to Pakistan in nearly nine years, demonstrating SCO’s potential to bridge gaps between the neighboring South Asian arch-rivals.
Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin’s participation at the SCO summit in Pakistan and the subsequent talks with his Pakistani counterpart has strengthened Pakistan’s case for joining BRICS, which will help in integrating the country into the emerging multipolar world order that BRICS champions.
Meanwhile, the 16th BRICS Summit in Kazan, Russia, presented itself as a counterweight to the West-led world politics and trade. The conference saw key world leaders from across the continents united under one banner, including Russia’s Vladimir Putin, China’s Xi Jinping, India’s Narendra Modi, South Africa’s Cyril Ramaphosa, and Brazil’s Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, to discuss the future of global governance. The inclusion of new BRICS members, such as Egypt, Iran, Ethiopia, and the UAE, hinted at the bloc’s growing clout in the Middle East and Africa. The summit reinforced BRICS’ commitment to promoting a multipolar world, offering an alternative to Western-dominated institutions and alliances. The prime objective proposed by Putin at the conference was the de-dollarization of world trade and the introduction of new payment methods via commercial banks linked to each other through the central BRICS Banks.
Both the SCO and BRICS are crucial platforms to challenge the dominance of Western-centric alliances like QUAD, AUKUS, NATO, and the G7. Each year, these organizations grow in strength and role, offering nations around the globe a vision of a fairer and more balanced world order. Recent summits have illustrated that China and Russia are emerging as key powers in world politics, particularly in Eurasia, Central Asia, Africa, the Middle East, and South Asia. These regions have historically played a central role in altering global political quagmires due to their strategic importance, abundance of natural resources and untapped economic potential, and their alignment and support will be key for any future world order.
The SCO and BRICS are crucial for China to expand its role across Asia, Europe and Central Asia. China aims to achieve its strategic goals through infrastructure development, trade partnerships and investment initiatives in these regions, as opposed to the Western jingoistic schemes for dominance in world politics. These platforms are offering a helping hand to China in shaping a new global economic and geopolitical framework, which will be fairer than the incumbent order. Russia, on the other hand, sees the SCO as an indispensable organ for enhancing its security arrangements in Central Asia, especially in the wake of the US withdrawal from Afghanistan and the ongoing Ukraine fiasco. Moscow continues to prioritize counterterrorism and security cooperation within the SCO, which will ensure that Central Asia remains within its sphere of influence and that NATO’s menacing influence in the region is curtailed.
As the world is in the transition phase towards a multipolar order, the relevance of SCO and BRICS is growing more than ever. These forums offer a robust counterbalance to the Western alliances, embodying the thirst for a more equitable world. Through economic sovereignty, political realignment, and sustainable development, China and Russia are spearheading the creation of a new global order.
The world currently faces a plethora of Western-produced challenges, from the humanitarian crises in Palestine and Lebanon to the various trade disruptions caused by Western sanctions on countries pursuing independent foreign policies. Moreover, the threat of nuclear escalation and the global instability caused by unjust Western sanctions, remain key concerns for the Third-World countries. However, BRICS and SCO offer hope for the nations of Eurasia and South Asia to assert their role in international politics, providing more economic opportunities, robust trade and investment systems, and deeper regional connectivity.
The SCO and BRICS summits reflect a clear shift in the trajectory of world politics towards a multipolar global order in which China and Russia play pivotal roles. By creating parallel financial systems to the incumbent methods, securing energy independence and ensuring regional stability, these countries present a formidable challenge to Western dominance. As Pakistan reaffirmed its ties with the SCO in the recent summit, future talks will likely focus on deepening economic integration and enhancing security collaboration.
As the SCO and BRICS are natural companions with almost identical ideological inclinations and world views, they should try to share more common goals and put efforts into achieving them collectively. While BRICS is primarily interested in challenging the West’s dominance in finance and trade, SCO is focused on security and regional stability. As sister organizations, SCO and BRICS should forge a way to help each other achieve their shared goals. Only through cooperation and support, these organizations can pose serious challenges to the dominance of the West-led alliances like NATO, AUKUS, QUAD, and G-7.
It is also crucial to understand that some world powers have launched campaigns to preserve the Western-led world order, seeking to consolidate benefits for the few developed countries of the West. A rather naïve and misleading propaganda peddled by some sections of the Western media, that the West and the USA’s dominance in world politics has ended, also adds to the ambiguity in the world political landscape. If left unchecked and unaddressed, those tendencies have the capacity to undermine the collaborative efforts that SCO and BRICS advocate, and may also help in the continuation of these hegemonic powers’ sway over world politics and trade.
In order to be regarded as a trusted and respected organization at the world level, the SCO must keep a respectable distance from the pitfalls of Western alliances that underlie conceit, self-proclaimed superiority, and inflexible approach to geopolitics. Instead, the SCO has to epitomize mutual cooperation in trade, geopolitics, and other aspects of international relations, which will benefit not only its member countries but the whole world.
As the world is in the transition phase towards a multipolar order, the relevance of SCO and BRICS is growing more than ever. These forums offer a robust counterbalance to the Western alliances, embodying the thirst for a more equitable world. Through economic sovereignty, political realignment, and sustainable development, China and Russia are spearheading the creation of a new global order.
Indo-Pak ties: the illusion of diplomacy at SCO Summit
By: Gulab Umid | October 26, 2024
Courtesy : The Express Tribune
India's motives for attending the summit were not grounded in any desire for reconciliation. Instead, New Delhi's focus was strategic. India has long been seeking trade access to Central Asia, but Pakistan, citing the ongoing Kashmir dispute, has consistently refused to grant India transit trade rights. For Pakistan, this refusal is about more than just Kashmir - it's about safeguarding its own economic ambitions in the region. Opening up to Indian trade would be a strategic misstep, allowing India to dominate Central Asia, a market Pakistan also covets.
Beyond trade, India's participation in the summit was also driven by its desire to counter China's growing influence in the region. As tensions between India and China escalate, India has no intention of allowing Beijing to dominate platforms like the SCO without competition. By attending, India ensured that China would not have free rein to push its regional agenda. While Pakistan chose diplomatic restraint by not spotlighting Kashmir, India used the opportunity to reiterate its opposition to China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), which passes through Pakistan-administered Kashmir, a region India claims as its own.
India's objections to the BRI are not merely economic - they are deeply strategic. By opposing the project, India is not only challenging China's influence but also reinforcing its territorial claims on the global stage. This presents a major diplomatic hurdle for Pakistan, as India continues to assert its narrative on international platforms, subtly yet steadily chipping away at Pakistan's position on Kashmir.
Even though, to some observers, the absence of heated exchanges between India and Pakistan might suggest a softening of relations, this is more illusion than reality. Pakistan's internal political and economic turmoil has left it in a weakened position, unable to engage in diplomacy from a position of strength. Meanwhile, India, buoyed by its economic growth and international standing, has shifted its focus from Pakistan to China, which it now sees as its primary rival in the region.
India's stance remains unyielding: no dialogue with Pakistan unless Islamabad ends its support for Kashmiri separatists. On the other hand, Pakistan's demands for India to restore Kashmir's special status and halt its human rights violations in the region remain firm. Both nations are locked in a stalemate, with little hope for compromise on the horizon.
In the grand scheme of things, Jaishankar's visit was little more than a diplomatic obligation. It's akin to India occasionally using Pakistani airspace for international flights - practical, but not indicative of any deeper relationship. As long as both nations remain entrenched in their respective positions, the chances of a genuine breakthrough remain slim.
Presumably, diplomacy is often driven by mutual interest, and right now, neither India nor Pakistan sees enough value in making concessions. Pakistan, dealing with a serious economic crisis and political instability, is in no position to pressure India. Meanwhile, India, with its eyes on global competition, especially with China, has little reason to prioritise its relationship with Pakistan.
The SCO summit may have provided a brief diplomatic respite, but it is unlikely to change the longstanding realities of the relations between India and Pakistan. Until both sides find common ground, the diplomatic mirage of the SCO summit will remain just that - a mirage.
Kashmir: A Legal Perspectiver
By: Asif Mahmood | October 26, 2024
Courtesy : Daily Times
Despite the Indian government’s recent actions, it is undeniable that, under international law, Kashmir is not acknowledged as part of India’s union territory. It remains a territory in dispute, with its future still to be decided in line with United Nations resolutions.
Kashmir is governed by an established principle of international law that prohibits any nation from claiming sovereignty over occupied territory. This principle was originally outlined in the Paris Agreement of 1928 and reaffirmed in Article 2, Section 4 of the United Nations Charter. The International Committee of the Red Cross also reiterated this principle in its declaration on August 4, 2004.
The text emphasizes that occupation does not grant ownership of the occupied territory to the occupying power. Numerous resolutions from the United Nations General Assembly and the Security Council support this position. Additionally, the UNCCP affirmed this principle at a conference in Switzerland, further strengthening the established legal discourse.
During an occupation, a state retains its status as an international legal entity. It maintains its identity and does not merge with the occupying power. As a result, the occupation is viewed as illegitimate throughout its duration and does not change the legal status of the occupied state
Based on this principle, the Security Council declared Iraq’s occupation of Kuwait illegitimate in Resolution 674. Similarly, the UN General Assembly refused to recognize the occupation of Azerbaijani territory based on this same principle. In Resolution No. 3061, the General Assembly also declared the Portuguese occupation of Guinea-Bissau illegitimate. If India has forcibly declared occupied Kashmir as part of the Indian Union in violation of UN resolutions, this does not mean that occupied Kashmir has become an integral part of India, nor does it imply that its citizens must pledge loyalty to India. International law clearly states that the fate of the Kashmiri people should be determined by themselves through a UN-supervised plebiscite. India cannot unilaterally and forcibly incorporate occupied Kashmir into India in violation of international law.
During an occupation, a state retains its status as an international legal entity.
The General Assembly Resolution 3314 affirms the right of Kashmiris to resist occupation. Resolution No 37/43, passed on December 3, 1982, explicitly supports the right to self-determination and legitimizes armed struggle against occupation.
Article 45 of Hague Convention negates the possibility of demanding allegiance to the occupying power from the inhabitants of the occupied territories. The question now is: what steps can Pakistan take? Here’s a proposed roadmap:
1. Pakistan can bring the matter to the General Assembly under Article 96 of the UN Charter and seek an advisory opinion from the International Court of Justice. This would address whether India’s unilateral change of Kashmir’s status is justified under International Law. Are such actions justifiable in light of UN Charter and Security Council resolutions? Could they be deemed war crimes? The answers to these questions shall reinforce Pakistan’s case in the international legal arena.
The answers to these questions are clear. This will further strengthen the case against India in the realm of international law. We have seen in the past that similar ‘advisory opinions’ have been issued by the International Court of Justice regarding Israel’s aggression. Although such opinions are not enforceable, they hold significant meaning and importance that cannot be overlooked.
2. It is crucial to note that Kashmir is not merely a bilateral issue; it remains firmly on the agenda of the United Nations. Following the Shimla Agreement, India has attempted to recast it as a bilateral matter. However, in light of India’s recent actions on August 6, Pakistan has every right to reassess its position and might consider withdrawing from the Shimla Agreement, given India’s violations of it.
3. To reinforce our stance, Pakistan should expand Article 257 of its Constitution. we should nurture it to amplify the inherent international significance of the Kashmir case.
4. Furthermore, Azad Kashmir’s Supreme Court can serve as a vital platform to advocate for this issue. The people of Kashmir need a clear ruling regarding their legal status, reinforcing that their fate should be determined through a consensus aligned with United Nations resolutions. This ruling should encapsulate the essence of the Kashmir issue, ensuring our voices resonate globally and our case is understood worldwide.
Navigating Pakistan’s Blue Frontier
By: Jawad Saleem | October 26, 2024
Courtesy : Daily Times
Pakistan’s vast coastline, spanning 1,046 kilometres and covering an Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) of approximately 240,000 square kilometres, presents a significant opportunity to bolster its economy through the blue economy. Globally, the blue economy, which refers to the sustainable use of ocean resources for economic growth, improved livelihoods, and jobs while maintaining the health of ocean ecosystems, is gaining immense traction. Countries like the United States, Norway, Australia, and the European Union have seamlessly integrated blue economy strategies into their national policies. Pakistan, however, lags despite its substantial potential, a delay that can no longer be afforded in the current economic and geopolitical climate.
The global blue economy is estimated to contribute between $3 to $6 trillion annually to the world economy, with key sectors including fisheries, aquaculture, maritime transport, renewable energy, coastal tourism, and marine biotechnology. According to the OECD, fisheries alone employ more than 200 million people worldwide and contribute roughly $240 billion in global exports. Maritime transport carries 80% of global trade and coastal tourism accounts for a significant share of GDP for many island and coastal nations. Pakistan, with its strategic location at the crossroads of Central and South Asia, the Middle East, and proximity to major maritime routes in the Indian Ocean, is uniquely positioned to carve out a significant space in this dynamic sector.
However, Pakistan’s blue economy remains underdeveloped. Fisheries, one of its key sectors, remains poorly regulated, with much of the sector operating in an informal, undocumented economy. Environmental degradation, illegal fishing, and overfishing plague Pakistan’s marine resources. Although Pakistan’s ports of Karachi, Port Qasim, and Gwadar handle much of its trade, the maritime transport sector has not yet reached its full potential. Coastal tourism remains underexplored despite the scenic beauty of Pakistan’s coastline. The country’s involvement in renewable energy remains minimal, with little investment in offshore wind, tidal, or marine energy resources.
Pakistan’s potential, though significant, cannot be fully realized without addressing these challenges. This is where the Pakistan Navy becomes an essential player. As a maritime nation, Pakistan’s security, economic growth, and future development are inextricably linked to the sustainable use of its marine resources. The Pakistan Navy plays a critical role in ensuring maritime security, a foundation for building a strong blue economy. Maritime security is a prerequisite for the sustainable exploitation of marine resources, preventing illegal fishing, securing shipping routes, and safeguarding Pakistan’s sovereignty over its marine territories.
The Pakistan Navy’s role in maritime security is exemplified by its participation in international anti-piracy operations and its leadership in the Combined Task Forces (CTF 150 and 151), ensuring the safe passage of commercial vessels through key maritime routes in the Indian Ocean. This participation has enabled Pakistan to secure its maritime trade, which constitutes more than 90% of its external trade. Additionally, the Navy’s maritime security efforts provide a stable environment for the development of blue economy sectors, including fisheries, maritime transport, and coastal tourism.
A prime example of the Navy’s regional leadership is its AMAN initiative. The AMAN multinational maritime exercises are aimed at promoting regional maritime security and cooperation in the Indian Ocean. With participation from more than 45 countries, including the US, China, Russia, and the UK, the AMAN exercises demonstrate Pakistan’s commitment to promoting global and regional maritime security, which is vital for the development of the blue economy. By fostering maritime collaboration and securing international maritime routes, AMAN enhances Pakistan’s reputation as a responsible maritime nation, positioning it as a potential hub for blue economy activities in the Indian Ocean.
The Pakistan Navy’s contribution to the blue economy extends beyond maritime security. It plays a crucial role in protecting the marine environment, which is essential for the long-term sustainability of marine resources. Through its collaboration with national and international environmental agencies, the Navy has been involved in efforts to combat pollution, preserve marine biodiversity, and prevent illegal dumping in the ocean. The Navy’s participation in oceanographic research and marine exploration activities is vital for understanding and exploiting Pakistan’s marine resources. As marine technologies advance, the Pakistan Navy can collaborate with academic institutions and international research organizations to explore the country’s untapped marine resources, including fisheries, hydrocarbons, and renewable energy.
Pakistan’s fisheries sector, with proper regulation, investment, and technology transfer, could become a major contributor to the country’s blue economy. Countries like India and Bangladesh have significantly expanded their fisheries and aquaculture sectors, boosting exports and improving livelihoods for coastal communities. Pakistan can follow a similar trajectory by implementing sustainable fishing practices, enforcing regulations against illegal fishing, and developing aquaculture. The development of fish farming, hatcheries, and mariculture can help meet the growing demand for seafood globally while reducing the pressure on wild fish stocks. This sector could also employ coastal communities and contribute to poverty alleviation.
Another critical sector of Pakistan’s blue economy is maritime transport and port development. The strategic development of Gwadar Port, located at the mouth of the Persian Gulf, is crucial for transforming Pakistan into a regional maritime hub. Gwadar, once fully operational, has the potential to handle 300-400 million tons of cargo annually, positioning Pakistan as a key player in the Indian Ocean’s maritime trade routes. As part of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), Gwadar Port is expected to facilitate trade between China, Central Asia, the Middle East, and beyond. The port’s development is essential for boosting Pakistan’s maritime transport sector and establishing the country as a significant player in the blue economy.
Coastal and marine tourism is another underutilized sector of Pakistan’s blue economy. Countries like Sri Lanka and the Maldives have developed thriving coastal tourism industries, contributing significantly to their GDP. Pakistan’s coastline, with its scenic beauty, rich cultural heritage, and diverse marine life, has the potential to attract both domestic and international tourists. Developing coastal resorts, promoting marine sports, and preserving natural habitats can turn Pakistan’s coastal regions into attractive tourist destinations, providing jobs and boosting local economies. The Pakistan Navy’s role in ensuring security along the coast is crucial for the success of this sector, as tourists seek safe and well-regulated environments for their activities.
Marine renewable energy offers another avenue for Pakistan’s blue economy. The country’s extensive coastline is ideal for developing offshore wind and tidal energy projects. Global players like the UK have successfully invested in offshore wind energy, generating significant power while creating jobs and reducing carbon emissions. Pakistan, facing energy shortages and high fuel costs, can explore offshore renewable energy as a sustainable and cost-effective solution to meet its growing energy demands. By investing in wind, wave, and tidal power, Pakistan can diversify its energy sources, reduce its reliance on imported fuels, and contribute to global efforts to combat climate change.
International cooperation is essential for Pakistan to fully realize its blue economy potential. The country must engage with international organizations and regional bodies, such as the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) and the Indian Ocean Commission (IOC), to collaborate on blue economy initiatives. Partnerships with countries that have successfully developed their blue economies, such as China, Norway, and Australia, can provide Pakistan with access to technology transfer, knowledge-sharing, and investment opportunities. By fostering international cooperation, Pakistan can accelerate the development of its blue economy sectors while ensuring that it adheres to global standards for sustainability and environmental protection.
To fully capitalize on its blue economy potential, Pakistan must formulate a comprehensive national blue economy strategy. This strategy should prioritize sustainable resource management, technological innovation, and regional cooperation. The strategy should also focus on improving maritime governance, including the enforcement of laws and regulations to prevent illegal fishing, pollution, and other threats to marine resources. Capacity building in maritime skills, research, and governance is also essential. Public-private partnerships can play a critical role in attracting investment, particularly in areas such as port development, renewable energy, and marine research.
Pakistan’s blue economy represents a vast, untapped frontier that, if properly developed, can contribute significantly to the country’s economic growth, job creation, and sustainable development. The Pakistan Navy’s role in ensuring maritime security, fostering international cooperation, and protecting marine resources is essential to unlocking this potential. By focusing on fisheries, maritime transport, coastal tourism, and renewable energy, Pakistan can carve out its space in the global blue economy. With the right policies, investment, and international cooperation, Pakistan can transform its blue economy into a driving force for economic growth, regional integration, and environmental sustainability, securing a prosperous future for its people and positioning itself as a key player in the global maritime economy.
SCO Summit: Key outcomes and future prospects
By: Engr Qaiser Nawab | October 25, 2024
Courtesy : Pakistan Observer
THE recent Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit in Pakistan highlighted the organization’s increasing importance in fostering multilateral cooperation in Eurasia. This year’s summit emphasized regional security, economic collaboration and energy partnerships, all essential areas for addressing shared challenges in an evolving geopolitical landscape. The SCO’s role in maintaining regional stability is becoming more critical, given the complex environment in which these nations operate.
A significant outcome of the summit was the renewed emphasis on enhancing cooperation in counterterrorism, cross-border crime and regional security. Member states reaffirmed their commitment to strengthening collaboration through the Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS), focusing on terrorism, separatism and extremism. This renewed focus is especially timely, as the region continues to face security challenges stemming from Afghanistan’s instability and broader concerns. The SCO summit emphasized the importance of Afghanistan’s stability for regional security, with Pakistan reaffirming its commitment to peace. Economic integration and infrastructure development, particularly through the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), were prioritized, with a focus on improving regional connectivity, trade and fostering long-term economic growth.
The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) was highlighted at the SCO summit as a flagship project for regional connectivity. Its success showcases the benefits of large-scale infrastructure investments, strengthening Pakistan’s ties with China and opening new trade avenues. Other SCO member states expressed interest in similar models, emphasizing their critical role in the organization’s broader economic agenda. Beyond infrastructure, the summit focused on expanding trade and investment within the SCO region. Member states explored ways to reduce dependence on external markets and strengthen intra-regional trade, particularly important given the recent disruptions in global supply chains. This focus on economic resilience comes at a time when many countries are recognizing the value of regional integration as a buffer against global volatility.
The leaders also discussed streamlining bureaucratic and logistical barriers to trade to ensure that economic integration progresses smoothly. The SCO’s ongoing efforts to facilitate trade agreements, improve customs procedures and build infrastructure were central to the discussions. By prioritizing these initiatives, the organization hopes to generate economic benefits that will contribute to the overall prosperity of the region. Energy security was another key focus of the summit, with member states exploring ways to enhance cooperation in this vital area. Russia’s role as a major energy supplier remains critical within the SCO and discussions on expanding energy trade were productive. Given the fluctuating oil and gas prices and the ongoing transition to renewable energy, the summit emphasized the need for diversified energy sources.
The transition to renewable energy featured prominently, as member states seek to reduce their carbon footprints and meet international climate commitments. Pakistan’s increasing investments in renewable energy, such as solar and wind power, were praised as a step in the right direction. The summit provided a platform for member states to share their experiences and expertise in the renewable energy sector, fostering regional cooperation in this area. The need for a regional framework that balances energy security and environmental sustainability was underscored during the discussions. SCO countries face the dual challenge of meeting growing energy demand while addressing the impacts of climate change. As a result, energy collaboration is expected to play an increasingly important role in the organization’s future, with a focus on ensuring long-term sustainability and resilience.
Environmental concerns were also a key part of the summit’s agenda, as climate change continues to pose significant risks to many SCO member states. Pakistan, which has been particularly affected by extreme weather events such as floods and heatwaves, used the summit to advocate for greater cooperation in climate adaptation and disaster risk reduction. Discussions on reforestation projects, water management and cross-border ecological conservation initiatives highlighted the need for a collective approach to environmental challenges. Member states stressed the importance of regional cooperation in developing climate-resilient infrastructure and addressing water scarcity, which has become a growing concern as the impacts of climate change intensify. The summit also emphasized the sharing of technology and expertise to improve environmental resilience. By pooling resources and knowledge, SCO countries can better prepare for the challenges posed by climate change, ensuring that their populations and economies are protected from environmental risks.
Overall, the summit reaffirmed the SCO’s evolving role as a platform for addressing a wide range of regional issues. From security and economic development to environmental cooperation, the outcomes reflect the commitment of member states to advancing collective solutions. While aligning the interests of such a diverse group of countries remains a challenge, the summit demonstrated a strong consensus on the need for multilateral cooperation. In a world where geopolitical tensions are rising, the SCO’s ability to foster dialogue and promote multilateralism is more important than ever. By focusing on pragmatic approaches and concrete outcomes, the SCO has proven that it can serve as an effective forum for tackling the complex challenges facing Eurasia. The emphasis on regional connectivity, energy security and climate cooperation at this summit underscores the organization’s growing relevance in an evolving global context.
The SCO summit in Pakistan provided a valuable opportunity for member states to strengthen cooperation in critical areas such as security, trade, energy and environmental protection. The discussions on Afghanistan, regional connectivity and renewable energy were particularly significant, addressing some of the region’s most pressing challenges. As the SCO continues to evolve, its role in promoting regional stability, economic development and sustainability will be vital. The outcomes of this summit demonstrate the organization’s commitment to addressing these challenges. With continued dialogue and collaboration, the SCO has the potential to remain a powerful force for regional cooperation and stability in Eurasia.
77th Yaum-e-Tasees of Azad Jammu & Kashmir
By: Dr Muhammad Khan | October 25, 2024
Courtesy : Pakistan Observer
OCTOBER 24, 1947 is a historical day for the people of Jammu and Kashmir. On this day, Kashmir masses formally established their self-rule on the areas, which they liberated from the Dogra Rulers. This day is celebrated as Independence Day in Azad Jammu & Kashmir. This year (2024), the Government of AJK has celebrated this day with a new hope, resolve and renewed determination for attaining the right of self-determination for the people of Jammu and Kashmir. The 77th Yaum-e-Tasees of Azad Kashmir aims at: reminding the people of Azad Kashmir, especially the youth about the ongoing struggle of the Kashmiri youth of Indian Illegally Occupied Jammu and Kashmir (IIOJK), who are laying their lives for freedom from Indian oppression.
Besides, it reminds them about the sacrifices their forefathers have given for liberating this piece of land from Dogra Rule and the Indian Army, where they live with peace and freedom. Secondly, people and leadership of Kashmir should know that this day is a reminder that this piece of land would now act as the base camp for the freedom of their brothers and sisters from India in Indian occupied Jammu and Kashmir. Leadership and people of Azad Jammu & Kashmir need to demonstrate to their brothers and sisters in IIOJK that we have not forgotten your sacrifices and would do everything to get you free from the oppressive and repressive Indian occupation.
For this purpose, the people and the Government of Pakistan should firmly stand behind the struggling people of IIOJK with political, moral and diplomatic support. The day should also send a clear message for the international community that the Kashmir dispute is still unresolved and Kashmiri of IIOJK are under unlawful Indian occupation in violation of UN resolutions and international humanitarian laws, thus need their serious attention. Besides, this day “symbolizes hope, sacrifice” and consistent efforts for the attainment of the right of self-determination of Kashmiris. The day also reminds the people of Azad Jammu and Kashmir and Pakistan of their responsibilities for the political, moral and diplomatic support of the people of IIOJK with sincerity and devotion. In the history of Jammu and Kashmir, there are eight memorable days/occasions.
The dark day in the history, 16 March 1846, Kashmir Sale Deed, commonly known as “Treaty of Amritsar” signed between Gulab Singh, the Dogra Maharaja and British East India Company. On this unfortunate day, the State along with its subjects was sold out to Dogra Maharaja for just 75 lac (Nanak Shahi). Earlier, Sikhs, Mughals and Afghans attacked, occupied and annexed the State of Jammu and Kashmir for centuries. The second milestone date is 13 July 1931, known in history as the “Kashmir Martyrs Day”. Apart from killing of 22 Kashmiri youths by Dogra Forces, outside Srinagar Central Jail, this was the first formal overt demonstration by the Kashmiri masses. The event was followed by establishment of All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference, the first political representations of Kashmiris for political struggle against the repressive Dogra Rule. The third significant day is 19 July 1947.
On 19 July 1947, the people of Jammu and Kashmir unanimously adopted a resolution for the accession of the State with Pakistan. Each year, the people of Jammu and Kashmir celebrate July 19th as the day of “Kashmir Accession to Pakistan”. This relationship has rooted in the joint history of these two areas over the years and later turned into a relationship of interdependency. The fourth historical day was 24 October 1947, once the people of Kashmir formally established their government with the name of Azad Jammu and Kashmir Government. Significance of this historical day is given in above-mentioned paragraphs. The fifth milestone in the history of Kashmir is the 27 October 1947, being celebrated as Dark Day by Kashmiris.
On this day, Indian Army landed at Srinagar Airport, a day of a formal Indian occupation of Kashmir, Kashmiris still facing the consequences. The Instrument of Accession and other formalities thereafter are all fake as proved by scholars, historians, UN resolutions and even commitments of former Indian rulers. The sixth milestone in the modern history of Kashmir is the year 1990; commencement of the renewed Kashmiri’s struggle for their right of self-determination. As a result of that India deployed over 900,000 security forces in parts of IIOJK. As per KMS, over 100,000 Kashmiris have been killed, 13000 women have been raped, besides tortures, unlawful arrests and detentions.
In 2003, the people of IIOJK gave up their armed struggle and started a peaceful political struggle. India, however, continued its brutalities and human rights violations in the territory. 2008, 2010, 2012 and 2014, 2016, 2019 indigenous Kashmiri uprisings were brutally treated by Indian Military and Civil Armed Forces. The seventh milestone day is the martyrdom of Young Kashmiri Freedom Fighter, Burhan Wani on July 8, 2016. Since that day, the Kashmiri Movement has been taken over by Kashmir youths, who are adamant to get their freedom from India at all costs. Since that day, over 2000 Kashmiris have been killed; thousands have been injured, paralysed and blinded through the use of pellet guns by the Indian Army.
The eighth milestone was 5 July 2019, once India unilaterally annexed IIOJK with the Indian Union while relegating its statehood into two union territories. Indeed, it was a reoccupation of IIOJK by India through another illegal act. The 77th Yaum-e-Tasees has been celebrated with a firm determination by people of Azad Jammu and Kashmir that they firmly stand behind the struggling people of IIOJK until Kashmiris get their right of self-determination. There is a need that Indian strategies of doing away with the Kashmiri identity, illegal annexation of IIOJK, making demographic changes and massive human rights violations and genocide must be highlighted and contested at international level through forums like; UNO, EU and OIC.
The Kazan summit and necessity of an alternative world order
By: M A Hossain | October 25, 2024
Courtesy : Pakistan Today
The Kazan summit of the BRICS bloc is poised to shape global geopolitics by asserting a collective vision that challenges the current Western-dominated world order. The BRICS alliance, originally comprised of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa, has expanded its reach by inviting new members, including Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, and the UAE. This expansion, coupled with the recent geopolitical shifts driven by growing competition between the West and major powers like Russia and China, sets the stage for the summit to become a significant signpost in the ongoing push for an alternative world order.
The BRICS bloc has long been a platform for emerging economies to express dissatisfaction with Western-led global governance structures. With its members representing nearly 40 percent of the world’s population and around 25 percent of global GDP, BRICS carries substantial weight in international discussions on economic development, climate change, and multilateral cooperation. However, its expanded membership now introduces new dimensions of influence, particularly in energy markets and developing economies.
The key agenda for the BRICS summit in Kazan is advancing a multipolar world order. This vision seeks to reduce the dominance of the USA and the Western-led global financial system by increasing the use of non-dollar currencies in international trade and encouraging reforms in multilateral institutions. The New Development Bank (NDB), created by BRICS in 2015 as an alternative to the World Bank, is one such initiative aimed at offering a non-Western model for development financing. However, the NDB’s lending capacity remains dwarfed by its Western counterparts, indicating that while BRICS has made some progress, it still faces considerable challenges in reshaping the global financial system.
A key theme of the Kazan Summit was the need for reforms in global governance institutions, such as the United Nations (UN), the World Trade Organization (WTO), and the IMF. BRICS nations have consistently argued that these institutions are outdated and do not accurately reflect the current global balance of power. The summit called for a more inclusive and representative international system that gives greater voice to emerging economies and developing nations.
Russia and China, two of the bloc’s most assertive voices, are particularly keen on reducing reliance on the dollar. This is a strategic goal for both countries, as they face Western sanctions and increasing economic isolation. The inclusion of countries like Iran, which is also heavily sanctioned by the USA, reflects the growing identity of BRICS as a counterweight to Western pressure. Iran’s participation, alongside energy giants like the UAE, positions BRICS to challenge the dollar’s dominance in global oil markets, where transactions are predominantly conducted in dollars.
Despite its ambitions, BRICS is not without internal contradictions. While Russia and China aggressively push for an anti-Western agenda, countries like India, Brazil, and South Africa are more cautious. These nations still rely heavily on trade with the USA and Europe and are hesitant to fully align themselves with an anti-Western bloc. India, for instance, continues to maintain strong economic relationships with both Western countries and its BRICS counterparts, using the bloc as a forum to advance its interests without burning bridges.
Nevertheless, the expansion of BRICS and its growing influence in global energy markets represent a significant shift in the global balance of power. If the bloc can navigate its internal challenges and present a united front, it could play a pivotal role in reshaping the global order. As the Kazan summit unfolded, the world will be watching to see whether BRICS can translate its vision of an alternative world order into reality.
The addition of new members, including those with conflicting geopolitical interests, further complicates the bloc’s cohesion. For example, the UAE and Egypt are key US allies in the Middle East, while Iran has been a longstanding adversary of Washington. This geopolitical diversity raises questions about whether BRICS can maintain a unified agenda while balancing the divergent interests of its members.
The Kazan summit will also highlight tensions within the bloc over how far it should go in expanding its membership. While Russia advocates for further enlargement, others within the bloc are more cautious, wary of diluting its influence or introducing new members with conflicting priorities.
The energy sector was a focal point of the BRICS summit, especially with the inclusion of major energy producers like Iran and the UAE. By leveraging their collective influence over global energy markets, BRICS could create alternative trading mechanisms that bypass the U.S. dollar, potentially challenging the currency’s dominance in global trade. This goal aligns with Russia and China’s broader ambition to reduce their vulnerability to US sanctions, which often rely on the global financial system’s deep-rooted reliance on the dollar.
However, dethroning the dollar is not without significant hurdles. The dollar is deeply embedded in global financial systems, with the vast majority of cross-border transactions and reserves held in dollars. While BRICS has made efforts to increase the use of local currencies in trade, progress has been slow, and the global financial architecture remains dominated by Western institutions.
The expansion of BRICS is both an opportunity and a challenge for the Global South. For countries like Brazil, India, and South Africa, the bloc provides a platform to amplify their voices in global governance while maintaining economic relationships with the West. These countries see BRICS as a means to hedge against future uncertainties, allowing them to navigate the geopolitical shifts without having to choose sides in a new Cold War-like rivalry between the USA and China.
For Russia and China, however, BRICS is a strategic tool to counterbalance US influence and reshape global governance. Both countries are positioning themselves as champions of a new world order that rejects Western political and economic hegemony. This strategy is particularly important for Russia, which, in the wake of its invasion of Ukraine, is seeking to show that it is not isolated on the global stage.
One of the most significant takeaways from the Kazan Summit was the recognition that the current global order, dominated by the USA and its Western allies, is increasingly ill-equipped to address the complexities of the 21st century. Global challenges such as climate change, pandemics, and economic inequality require a cooperative, multilateral approach that goes beyond the narrow interests of any one region or bloc.
BRICS, with its emphasis on multilateralism, inclusivity, and mutual respect, offers a viable alternative to the existing world order. The group’s vision of a multipolar world, where power is more evenly distributed, contrasts sharply with the dominance of Western powers in global decision-making. As the world becomes more interconnected, BRICS’ model of cooperation and shared responsibility is increasingly relevant in addressing global issues that transcend national borders.
Nevertheless, the expansion of BRICS and its growing influence in global energy markets represent a significant shift in the global balance of power. If the bloc can navigate its internal challenges and present a united front, it could play a pivotal role in reshaping the global order. As the Kazan summit unfolded, the world will be watching to see whether BRICS can translate its vision of an alternative world order into reality.
Another Saudi investors visit
By: Muhammad Zahid Rifat | October 25, 2024
Courtesy : Pakistan Today
No words are strong enough to fully describe the most warm brotherly relations based on mutual respect and love between Saudi Arabia and Pakistan. Relations between the two countries are no doubt cited as the most ideal around the world. Saudi Arabia has always stood with and supported Pakistan in every difficult situation, be it some natural calamity, foreign aggression or any other problem of grave nature. Pakistanis have all along been booking towards Saudi Arabia when they are facing some big problem and Saudi Arabian help and assistance, as requested and required, comes within no time.
From the very inception of their diplomatic relations, both countries have navigated challenges together standing shoulder to shoulder in difficult times. This unwavering solidarity between the two countries which also are tied closely in religious bonds has been more explicitly demonstrated, particularly in recent years as Saudi Arabia was playing a pivotal and most appreciable role in assisting Pakistan in overcoming its difficult economic situation.
Only a couple of months back, a high-level Saudi delegation including ministers and a large number of Saudi investors had visited Pakistan to explore the opportunities for investments in different sectors here.
Now, another high-level 130-member Saudi Investment delegation , headed by the Kingdom’s Investment Minister Kaliiiiid bin Abdulaziz has visited Pakistan for three days..
Saudi Arabia and Pakistan are on a path to forge ever closer strategic cooperation as the country has recently marked a major shift in its policy emphasizing Pakistan now wants trade and not aid. In recent months, Pakistan and Saudi Arabia have actively collaborated to enhance bilateral trade and investment. It may be recalled that earlier this year, Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman, who is regarded as a friend of Pakistan and its people, had reaffirmed the Kingdom’s commitment to expedite a $5 billion investment package for Pakistan.
The visiting Saudi investors interacted with prospective Pakistani investors at a business conference exploring the possibilities in which sectors they can possibly make their investments. The Saudi Minister, along with the delegation members, called on President Asif Ali Zardari and Chief of Army Staff General Syed Asim Munir. Bilateral relations between the two brotherly countries figured during these meetings. Both sides underlined the dire need for further expanding and strengthening close relations and exploring possibilities of maximum Saudi investment in different sectors on the coming months in Pakistan.
Another visit by Saudi investors and businessmen and the signing of large number of 27 MoUs is also being viewed as further strengthening and promoting of brotherly relations between Saudi Arabia and Pakistan and due implementation of the signed MoUs without any lethargy and wastage of time augurs well for mutual benefits of the people of the two countries and the Saudi and Pakistani businessmen and investors in particular.
Following participation in the business conference and productive and encouraging interaction between the visiting Saudi investors and businessmen with Pakistani counterparts, a ceremony was held at which signed documents were exchanged between Saudi and Pakistani businessmen/investors. On this occasion as many as 27 Memoranda of Understanding worth about $2.2 billion were signed and exchanged. These pertained to multiple sectors including Agriculture, Livestock, IT & Telecommunication, food, Minerals, Energy, Tourism, Real Estate and Logistics, Industry, Petroleum among others.
The ceremony was witnessed by Prime Minister Muhammad Shehbaz Sharif, Army Chief Gen Syed Asim Munir and Saudi Minister for Investment Sheikh Khalid Bin Abdulaziz Al Fateh.
Speaking on the occasion, the Prime Minister said the visit to Pakistan of another Saudi business and investors delegation was a true manifestation of great sincerity and affection for the people of Pakistan from Saudi Crown Prince Moohammad Bin Salman (MBS). He also categorically stated that it will be ensured that these MoUs are implemented in letter and spirit without facing any impediments and he would personally be observing progress in this regard.
The Saudi Minister in his meetings with President Asif Ali Zardari, PM Shehbaz Sharif, COAS General Asim Munir and others said without mincing words quite emphatically that Pakistan is our second home, we are not friends but a family. He also made a pointed mention of the important role of Pakistan Investment Facilitation Council (PIFC) in attracting the Saudi businessmen and investors visit to Pakistan to explore possibilities for their investment here in different sectors.
Another visit by Saudi investors and businessmen and the signing of large number of 27 MoUs is also being viewed as further strengthening and promoting of brotherly relations between Saudi Arabia and Pakistan and due implementation of the signed MoUs without any lethargy and wastage of time augurs well for mutual benefits of the people of the two countries and the Saudi and Pakistani businessmen and investors in particular. This was in furtherance of Pakistan’s new slogan Trade Not Aid.
Pakistan’s renewed polio fight
By: Ayesha Raza Farooq | October 25, 2024
Courtesy : The News
Three decades into the global efforts to eradicate it, the wild poliovirus (WPV) remains an ever-present threat to Pakistani children. This year, 39 children are affected, and the virus has been detected from over 400 sewage samples infecting 71 districts. The current intensity of virus circulation poses a serious threat to our children’s well-being nationwide.
Marked with many sacrifices, the country’s journey towards zero polio has been quite tortuous. There have been times when we seemed really close to polio eradication – once in 2017, when we had eight cases, and again in 2021, when only one child was affected. When 15 months went by without any case in 2021-22, disease elimination looked very probable. Nevertheless, the cunning virus managed to survive, causing a localised outbreak in southern Khyber Pakhtunkhwa in 2022.
The current virus surge started in the second half of 2023 after reintroduction of a virus cluster circulating across the border in Afghanistan. The frequency of environmental isolations kept increasing, reinfecting all three traditional core reservoirs of Karachi, Quetta block and Peshawar-Khyber that serve as ‘engines of transmission’ hosting, multiplying and efficiently exporting the virus to the rest of Pakistan. Thereon, the intensity of circulation has kept increasing with a dramatic rise in 2024.
What happened in the past two years to bring us from the verge of polio interruption to this current situation? There are, of course, several reasons.
When there were long periods of no virus detections elsewhere, the country programme shifted its focus to the sole endemic zone of southern KP to aggressively wipe out the virus. The shift was well-meaning, but the cunningness of the virus was underestimated elsewhere. Amidst persistent low routine immunisation in many zones, instead of responding to the risk, the programme opted instead to respond to the virus.
An unfortunate complacency also set in the virus-free areas, leading to poor programme oversight, performance management and accountability. Lack of adequate supervision to the frontline workers and half-hearted community engagement efforts ushered in an inconsistent campaign quality, hidden missed children, fake vaccinations, and inaccurate data reporting. With a large birth cohort of around eight million, the population immunity kept diluting. The cunning virus was delightfully watching all these developments and cashed in on the opportunity to travel in the guts of high-risk mobile and migrant populations to spread to every nook and corner of the country.
Persistent vaccine refusals fueled by misconceptions and community resistance, especially in high-risk areas like southern KP and Balochistan, community boycotts, lack of access due to insecurity, and critically low routine immunisation rates left too many children without enough immunity to fight off a polio infection. The virus was cordially received and hosted by these pockets letting it survive and spread to previously uninfected areas.
Understanding the need for renewed focus, the government reinvigorated polio eradication efforts with Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif personally stepping in. A government-accountable senior officer was appointed to lead the NEOC, while the prime minister again tasked me as his focal person for polio eradication, leveraging my experience in this role earlier.
Proceeding systematically, a forensic analysis of the current polio surge has been undertaken along with provinces to identify the determinants and deliberate solutions to obstacles on ground. Restoring the ‘One Team’ approach, the programme has been reset to an emergency mode of working where decision-making is driven by science and data. Seamless coordination with provinces and other stakeholders has been restored with a focus on real-time oversight, management and accountability.
Polio eradication is a national priority agenda across the political divide. Political commitment and ownership have never been higher. We are witnessing this ownership in the form of regular provincial task force meetings and stock takes by the highest political and administrative leadership across all provinces.
To move forward, we had to first look back and analyse what worked for us in the past and where we fell short. We invited all provinces for consultation, leading to the development of a comprehensive framework, dubbed the 2-4-6 roadmap. After a gap of about three years, the National Emergency Action Plan 2024-25 (NEAP)– the critical document that outlines our strategies to interrupt WPV transmission – was finalised.
While plugging the widespread immunity gap through repeatedly vaccinating all vulnerable children remains key to our success, NEAP 2024-25 also envisages implementing locally tailored solutions to the current challenges, expanding partnerships and using an integrated approach to address issues of WASH and malnutrition in key pockets of concern.
Implementation of this roadmap began in July and August, where we worked to reset all major components of the programme, to identify and plug the gaps, and bring them to eradication level. From poliovirus surveillance to communications and management and operations, all areas have been strengthened and revitalised, more importantly using a bottom-up approach.
We started the battle against WPV afresh with the second phase of the roadmap in September with a large-scale sub-national polio campaign that reached over 33 million children in 115 districts. By the end of December, two more high-quality campaigns will be conducted to build strong population immunity and contain the virus to confined pockets.
The aim is to synchronise these campaigns with Afghanistan, our other endemic neighbour, to ensure population immunity across the region. To maintain transparency and integrity, we are engaging candidly with the media and communities to build support for vaccination. In the third phase, from January onwards, our focus will be on mapping the remaining virus hideouts and enhancing vaccination there to interrupt transmission by mid-2025.
Our sights are set on gaining back the ground that we have lost but let us not forget the human lives that are affected. Of the 39 children affected this year, 23 were zero dose for routine immunisation, while six had not received any polio vaccine in campaigns. How unfortunate is it that these children have lost the opportunity to live their lives to the fullest through no fault of their own?
We see that parents’ decisions to not vaccinate their children, based on misconceptions or misguided beliefs, have left them vulnerable to a disease that can be so easily prevented. As parents, we must do better for our children. Instead of choosing to believe in misinformation, we must do our due diligence and search out accurate information based on scientific evidence that vaccines save lives.
No conversation about polio can be complete without remembering our valiant frontline workers – the angels that bring health to our doorsteps to keep our children safe. I am in awe of the dedication and resilience of these individuals, many of whom are women, who brave tough conditions, social pressures and even security threats to ensure a safe and healthier future for our next generations.
Every polio campaign is an opportunity for each one of us to welcome them amidst us and provide a safe and respectable work environment for them. I am also grateful for the incredible support provided by law-enforcement agencies in some of the most high-risk security-compromised regions.
For us, World Polio Day – observed on October 24 – is not just a reminder of the importance of ensuring vaccination for every child, it is also an opportunity to pay tribute to our polio heroes. This year, World Polio Day has been particularly important as it coincides with a crucial nationwide polio campaign.
Beginning next week, polio workers will travel the length and breadth of the country to protect over 45 million children against paralytic polio. With the virus rampant, no child anywhere is safe until every child in your house and neighbourhood is vaccinated. Parents must make the right decision now to vaccinate not only their own children but also those around them because no one is safe till everyone is safe.
A polio-free future is the right of our current and future generations. It is an obligation that every Pakistani must fulfill without failing. I would, therefore, end my submission by urging all segments of society to join hands to actualise the dream of a polio-free Pakistan and the world.
Reimagining the SCO
By: Imran Malik | October 25, 2024
Courtesy : The Nation
The SCO has the potential to become the vehicle on which the Sino-Russia Combine eventually challenges the geopolitical status quo. It is therefore imperative that it now acquires a more dynamic purpose than hithertofore. It must become an authoritative, assertive, persuasive geopolitical force and project power and influence in the region and beyond. It must define its own sphere of influence and secure it. It should express itself as the formidable centre of power that it is and emerges as the security provider of choice in the larger Eurasian context. It could start radiating tangible authority at the regional-global levels by adopting collective, unified positions on vital international issues. It should become the leader of the global South and usher in a modicum of balance in geopolitical matters. It must counter the aggressive and arrogant projection of power by the US-led West in the Middle East, and East Europe and if possible, pre-empt it in the Indo-Pacific. The SCO therefore, must become an alliance, a positive force, that brings about and maintains strategic balance at the regional-global levels, redefining geopolitical imperatives in the process. Time is nigh that it expands exponentially to include amongst others Afghanistan, Bangladesh, Turkey, Georgia, Turkmenistan, Egypt, KSA, UAE, and other members of the GCC, ASEAN, etc. It must emerge as the most viable alternative to the current centres of power!
The SCO must also make deliberate efforts to evolve at the geoeconomic level. The BRI should specifically aim to create interconnectivity and economic interdependence within it. The objectives of the SCO and the BRI therefore must converge to realize this geoeconomic dynamic. This will create a favourable and conducive environment for Free Trade Agreements bilaterally as well as at the organizational level. This ought to culminate in an Economic Union that binds the member states into a well-knit, well-connected, interdependent, mutually supporting, self-sufficient, powerful, economic consortium. Its combined GDP is about 25 % of the world’s nominal GDP and must increase exponentially. Engaging Afghanistan is therefore critical. A willing and participating Afghanistan could help unblock the region. This could lead to numerous East-West and North-South trade corridors criss-crossing the region transporting goods, minerals, raw materials, oil and gas pipelines and much more. Special industrial and economic zones could flourish in the Mekran Coast hinterland. Crucially, landlocked Afghanistan and CARs could get access to Pakistani ports on the Arabian Sea. First-class infrastructure courtesy of the BRI-CPEC already exists. Afghanistan must become a productive, responsible member of the regional and international communities. This evolving, harmonious environment and common interests could lead to other more dynamic, even collective, kinetic objectives later on as well!
The SCO needs to develop a military dimension to become a more assertive, credible, and major player in the geopolitical arena. Therefore, it is inevitable that it expands and transforms itself into a formal, potent military alliance with a global strategic reach too. China, Russia, Iran, and Pakistan could form the nucleus of this military-nuclear-missile alliance. Turkey and KSA should be encouraged to join. It could emerge as CRIPTS - and initially function as a subset of the SCO. Later it could expand to include all members, though India would remain a possible fence-sitter! The military capacities and capabilities of all its members will need to be developed and enhanced suitably. Ideally, no member of the SCO ought to face existential threats or hostile alliances and/or coalitions in isolation. Can the Sino-Russia Combine or the SCO deter a repeat of the Ukraine war in the Indo-Pacific? Can it forestall the application of the US’ Strategy of Offshore Balancing in this theatre of war? Will threatening to raise the stakes actually deter war?
Furthermore, the SCO must operationalize the Regional Anti-Terrorism Structure (RATS) that endeavours to mitigate the three evils - terrorism, separatism, and religious extremism. Afghanistan, the ostensible Terrorism Central of the region and the world, is therefore key. It needs to be engaged, incorporated into the SCO, and then helped to eliminate the scourge of terrorism that breeds within its borders and threatens itself, Pakistan, the BRI-CPEC projects, Chinese personnel working on these projects, and potentially the whole region. Afghanistan might be amenable to Chinese counsel on this subject. A unified policy to that end is sorely needed.
India however, will always threaten to be the Trojan Horse in the organisation. Its ill-famed, utopian concept of strategic autonomy will not allow it to run with the hare and hunt with the hound, endlessly. At some point in time, it will have to pick sides. It can either side with the SCO or lean towards the US-led West or remain neutral, uncommitted. Either way, it will find itself floundering about lonely and dangerously in strategic vacuity. In the current geopolitical scenario, all three options will be to its abiding detriment. The SCO and even the BRICS, need to beware!
The SCO shows tremendous geopolitical, geostrategic and geoeconomic promise. It must position itself well to meet the challenges of the evolving world order. It, therefore, must operationalize and actualize its true potential to emerge as the natural security provider and leader of Eurasia and the global South. To that end, it must emerge as a unified economic powerhouse held firmly together by a formal, binding, potent military alliance. That will form the basis for it to project geopolitical influence and power in the region and beyond. It is therefore imperative that it becomes more ambitious, assertive, and dynamic and emerges as the inexorable counterpoise, the alternate pole, to the US-led West. Bringing balance, stability, and sanity to the geopolitical milieu is the critical need of the hour. Given the necessary (geo)political will, the SCO can bring it forth!
SCO’s Key Takeaways
By: Yasir Habib Khan | October 25, 2024
Courtesy : The Nation
The Islamabad summit of SCO was extensive, as it was expected to be at such a crucial time in global politics. Sifting through it all we can wrap up the summit to a few key takeaways that reflect a shift towards bold, practical solutions for economic growth, security, cooperation, and environmental sustainability.
At the heart of the summit was a focus on economic integration, grounded in unity, trust, and development. SCO leaders didn’t hold back in pushing for stronger regional connectivity, stressing that it’s high time to invest in infrastructure projects like the China-Central Asia Gas Pipeline, the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, and the Eurasian transport network. These aren’t just about boosting trade; they’re about transforming how countries in the region engage with one another. Pakistan, as the summit host, called for backing the Energy Cooperation 2030 strategy and setting up an Association of Investors to streamline much-needed investments.
Another major takeaway was the call for alternative development funding mechanisms. The message was clear: the current global economic climate is far too unstable to rely on old ways of doing things. SCO members took a stand against protectionist policies and unilateral economic measures, stating that these approaches do more harm than good by stifling growth, limiting tech advancement, and deepening inequality. Pakistan, for its part, pushed for the creation of an SCO development fund to kickstart stalled projects and drive equitable growth across the board.
The issue of sovereignty and self-determination was a hot topic. SCO members made it clear that every country has the right to decide its own political, social, and economic future without outside interference. They reaffirmed their commitment to non-interference and mutual respect, emphasizing that peaceful dialogue is the only path to stability. This commitment to sovereignty goes hand in hand with the group’s vision of building new, fairer international relations based on cooperation and shared progress.
Technology, unsurprisingly, was a big part of the conversation too. SCO leaders know the world is changing fast, and they’re determined to keep up with advancements in AI, digital commerce, and information technology. Protectionism and broken supply chains are real problems, but the group believes these challenges can be overcome, particularly with initiatives like China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) paving the way. The goal is to integrate BRI with the Eurasian Economic Union to build stronger partnerships across the region.
Stability was another recurring theme. Leaders committed to implementing the SCO Economic Development Strategy 2030 and agreed to deepen cooperation on everything from trade and finance to investment and green development. Bridging the digital divide and enhancing information security are now top priorities. The group adopted a new concept for developing digital public infrastructure to help modernize economies and push innovation forward.
And, of course, climate change couldn’t be ignored. SCO leaders took a firm stance on the need for action, endorsing the SCO Green Belt Program and agreeing to share expertise to fight environmental degradation. They also launched a Special Working Group on Climate Change to speed up efforts and stay ahead of the curve. On top of that, there’s a renewed focus on being ready for natural disasters, with plans to use space monitoring and better emergency response systems to tackle this growing threat.
The 23rd SCO Summit set the stage for a new era of cooperation in the region. Leaders came together with a sense of urgency, focused on building stronger economic ties, addressing global challenges, and paving the way for a sustainable future. The takeaway? It’s time to act—and act fast.
HEC's new undergraduate policy: a path forward
By: Dr Asghar Zaidi | October 25, 2024
Courtesy : Express Tribune
The Higher Education Commission (HEC) of Pakistan has adopted this approach in rolling out a mandatory, new Undergraduate Education Policy (UGE) in all public universities starting Fall 2024. This policy aims to reshape undergraduate education in Pakistan, with a focus on offering a broad and interdisciplinary curriculum that fosters critical thinking, intellectual curiosity, and a well-rounded knowledge base.
In my view, this new Undergraduate Education Policy defines a crucial step forward for Pakistan's educational standards. This strategic initiative has aligned our educational framework with global standards and involves a thorough restructuring of undergraduate programs. Key components include core courses of 'General Education', 'Interdisciplinary/Distribution Subjects', a compulsory 'Internship/Field Experience', and a 'Capstone Project', alongside the courses of a subject specialisation. It allows completion of an 'Associate Degree' programme after the completion of the course requirements of two years.
However, implementing the new policy across universities and affiliated colleges presents significant challenges. Firstly, there is a serious shortage of qualified teachers, especially in higher education institutions outside major cities. These institutions struggle to find educators capable of teaching a wide range of general education and interdisciplinary courses, which directly impacts education quality and the ability to offer diverse courses.
Secondly, many institutions, particularly in rural or underdeveloped areas, lack the necessary infrastructure and resources, such as modern teaching tools, libraries, laboratories and digital platforms, essential for a comprehensive learning experience expected of in this new approach.
Thirdly, and despite HEC's efforts to communicate policy guidelines, there is still a gap in understanding among faculty and administrative staff due to insufficient training by the implementing authorities and a lack of clarity regarding the policy's objectives and implementation strategies.
Finally, implementing a new educational policy often encounters resistance from faculty accustomed to traditional teaching methods and curricula. This resistance hinders the adoption of innovative teaching practices and interdisciplinary courses.
As the Vice Chancellor of GC University, Lahore, from 2019 to 2023, I took several steps to bridge the gap between policy and its implementation, enhancing education quality across our departments and affiliated colleges.
Firstly, in collaboration with Ulearn, a leading provider of educational technologies in Pakistan, we developed innovative strategies to support the implementation of the new undergraduate policy. Ulearn specialises in creating educational technologies, products and services tailored to the evolving needs of learning communities, particularly for general education courses. This partnership allowed us the capability to provide standardised educational resources across all our departments and affiliated colleges, ensuring consistent learning opportunities for all students.
We formed committees of experts to develop comprehensive content for General Education courses, focusing on interdisciplinary learning, critical thinking, creativity and practical knowledge application. The best teachers were selected to record lectures using Ulearn's state-of-the-art studio-classroom technologies. These recorded lectures have been prepared to be made available to students nationwide, addressing the challenge of teacher scarcity and ensuring quality education consistency.
Additionally, we adopted the HEC's policy to establish Quality Enhancement Cells (QECs) in affiliated colleges to maintain educational standards. These cells monitor and evaluate policy implementation, provide feedback and ensure continuous improvement in teaching and learning practices. This initiative helps achieve uniform education quality across all institutions.
To address understanding gaps and resistance to change, we also implemented a comprehensive training and capacity-building programme for faculty and administrative staff. Through workshops, seminars and hands-on training sessions, educators were equipped with the skills and knowledge needed to embrace the new policy. This fosters a culture of continuous learning and adaptation, empowering faculty to champion change and innovation in education.
The new HEC Undergraduate Policy also offers more flexible options for our students. They can now complete a two-year associate degree instead of the full four years for a BS. It also allows students to change their major specialisation or pursue a double major at the same institution. However, its most attractive feature remains its focus on interdisciplinary learning and practical knowledge, preparing students for real-world challenges. This approach helps students develop essential practical skills, making them more capable and effective contributors to society.
This article calls on all public sector universities and their affiliated colleges as well as private sector universities to fully embrace this vision and work together to transform higher education in Pakistan. By aligning our undergraduate programmes with those of top universities worldwide, the HEC has taken a significant step forward. However, many universities and their affiliated colleges are struggling to adapt to this shift. Addressing this issue urgently requires transformative leadership within universities, capable of elevating educational standards despite the constraints.
Out of $100 billion
By: Nadia Tahir| October 25, 2024
Courtesy : Express Tribune
The IMF and all other donors and rating agencies have declared Pakistan's growth prospects positive and stable. The IMF revised the growth projections to be around 3.8% in FY25. The key impediment to the revival of growth was declining investment. In Pakistan, the investment-to-GDP ratio is around 13.14%, almost half of the average of developing countries i.e. 25%.
Realising the urgency of doubling fixed investment, the Special Investment Facilitation Council (SIFC) was formed in 2023, with an ambition to bring $25-100 billion in investment to Pakistan. Since then, many good steps have been taken to improve the investment climate, like: the enactment of the Foreign Investment Promotion and Protection Act (FIPPA) 2022, Pakistan Vision 2025, Strategic Trade Policy Framework (STPF) 2020-25, and Pakistan Investment Policy (PIP) 2023.
SIFC identified sectors and projects, including advanced technology engineering and electronics, basic chemicals, and petrochemicals. Despite progress, Pakistan's FDI remains below expectations. In FY23, FDI was $1.6 billion as against $1.9 billion in FY24, with China, Hong Kong and the UK in the lead. During July-August FY25, we attracted $350.3 million (which means we can go as far as $2 billion for the full fiscal). The power sector was the front-runner with $210.2 million, followed by oil & gas explorations at $44.2 million and financial business at $39.4 billion.
The Minister for Planning has, however, announced that Pakistan expects $100 billion in exports within five years. The resolve is good, but without investing more than 25% of the GDP, which means something over and above $100 billion in fixed investment, it is a far-fetched dream. The minister has shared the good news that Saudi Arabia and other "friendly" countries, including the UAE, Kuwait and Azerbaijan, pledged to invest $27 billion in 3 years.
Investment depends on perception, rules and regulations, not just on potential. Pakistan is a huge consumer market, but the buying capacity is low. Investors look for market size, a stable and safe environment, lax tax policies for repatriation of funds, high prospective yields and consistency in investment policies.
With all the right sentiments and hard-earned stability, we must work more on domestic policies like repatriation of profit and taxes, cost of moving containers, and days required to handle imports at our borders, quality of infrastructure, skills of human resources required to contribute to an effective workforce, inflation rate and exchange rate.
However, we are lagging in all these indicators. Public borrowing is crowding out domestic investors, and FDI always follows local investment. It is also a fact that Pakistan's FDI radar comprises a few consumer goods industries and limited global value chain integration hinder investment.
Inflation has drastically come down, but on average, the volatility of inflation and exchange rates is still higher than our competitors, and using imports for generating revenues is another area needing attention. Affordable energy and developed financial markets to absorb risk must be prioritised to realise the dream of high rate of investment.
Cooperate strategies require trust and consistency in policies for 10-20 years. Transitory incentives given in fertiliser, energy and CNG, with promises of uninterrupted gas supplies or IPP's policy, showed that incentives given without fair assessment of available resources and fiscal impact on the government have damaged the trust among corporates and deter metanationals to see Pakistan as a destination for their investments.
As Keynes also advocated, "spontaneous optimism falters, leaving us to depend on nothing but mathematical expectation; enterprise will fade and die". A combination of two extremes and our position lies somewhere, we simply do not know.
Green future: Use of nuclear energy is a must
By: Syed Qamar Afzal Rizvi | October 24, 2024
THIS is an inescapable truth that, for the promotion of a friendly environment, it is imperative to move towards the objectives of attaining green energy via achieving the UN’s set- SDG7. Undeniably, this is only possible through an access to the nuclear power, which is clean, green and could be working as catalyst to promote socio- economic growth. While playing a pivotal role in country’s strategic policy making, the Centre for International Strategic Studies (CISS) in Islamabad, under the auspices of its ED ambassador Syed Ali Sarwar, held a very insightful seminar: ‘Pakistan’s energy crisis: The role of nuclear power.’ The October 10th seminar—focused on thought- provoking deliberations by both the national and international experts, including the PAEC and the IAEA experts, and scholars from different think tanks and universities —emphasised on the nuclear energy mix in Pakistan, thereby espousing the IAEA‘s global energy motto: ‘’Without nuclear it is very hard to reach our target of emission and carbon free energy’’. Pakistan is committed to increasing its power generation capacity to approximately 57,000 MW by 2030.
Fairly arguing, green energy is essential for a friendly environment as it is derived from renewable sources that emit little to no greenhouse gases, helping to reduce pollution and mitigate climate change. Though these energy sources, such as wind and solar, are often more sustainable and have less negative impact on the natural environment compared to fossil fuels, it has no match with that of nuclear energy resources. The transition of primary energy through the fossil fuels cast multifarious negative impacts.
Against this backdrop, there is an emerging need of reorganizing Pakistan’s energy architecture, thereby ending the slab-based terrify fostered by the NEPRA. It is argued that Pakistan has been facing the issue of reduced demand— as of March 2024, Pakistan’s total installed electricity generation capacity was reported at 42,131 MW, which is below 45,000 MW. Arguably as the installed energy plant run for a period of 60-80 years an additional edge of energy security the issue of electricity price fluctuations must be avoided pragmatically.
Needless to say, the carbon free energy—does not damage the land, nor threatens the ecosystem during the operational process—and has the capacity to store and manage operational waste, thereby minimizing the use of fuel and mining materials, and is technically much able for the commercialized use without subsidies. The nuclear-produced energy as an environmentally friendly, is positively accompanied by a sustainable energy solution. Notably, Pakistan ‘s Atomic Energy Commission (PAEC) is sustainably operating several nuclear power plants and employs various operation and maintenance (O&M) technologies to ensure their safe and efficient functioning.
To address the global challenges vis-a-vis the energy mix, Pakistan’s energy system needs to undergo a transformation from fossil-fuels to renewable energy and energy efficient technologies. That said, Pakistan has a huge potential for harnessing renewable energy and its share in the electricity mix has to be increased to achieve energy security. Moreover, the UN’s SGD7 goal is paramount in this regard. SDG 7 refers to Sustainable Development Goal 7, which aims to “Ensure access to affordable, reliable, sustainable and modern energy for all.” This goal focuses on increasing the share of renewable energy in the global energy mix. A key target of SDG 7 is to substantially increase the contribution of renewable energy by 2030.
Yet, Pakistan faces several challenges in producing green energy, including a lack of information and outreach in rural areas, dependency on foreign energy sources, and severe energy deficiencies despite having abundant natural resources. Additionally, the effects of climate change, as highlighted by recent severe floods, further complicate the transition to renewable energy solutions. Needless to say, after COP29, the task to triple the CO2 free energy has become the universal order of the day, the importance of nuclear power has been globally galvanized both in developing and the developed word. Pakistan has primarily grown its nuclear power energy resources through collaborations with China, building nuclear power plants like the Chashma Nuclear Power Complex, utilizing its own uranium reserves, and developing domestic nuclear fuel manufacturing capabilities. Pakistan is expanding its nuclear power energy resources primarily through the development and construction of nuclear reactors. Currently, there are six operational reactors using pressurized water reactors (nuclear power reactors use heat produced during atomic fission to boil water to produced stream)with a total capacity of 3,530 MW, contributing about 27% to the country’s national grid since December, 2022.
Today, 25% of the Pakistani population has no access to electricity. Since July, 2023, Pakistan is also building a seventh nuclear power plant, the Chashma Nuclear Power Plant Unit 5 (C-5), which will have a capacity of 1,200 MW. As of July 2024, 59 nuclear reactors were under construction worldwide, with China leading the way with 25 units and India second with seven: China’s government has strong control over the energy sector, which allows them to build multiple nuclear units at a lower cost. Pakistan also has commenced development of Micro Hydro Kaplan Turbine to generate cheap and clean energy.
In the future, Pakistan can augment its nuclear energy production while concurrently integrating renewable sources to promote a green future. Also, Pakistan can be befitted with the growing global technology regarding the use of Small Modulator Reactors (SMRs), which are low-cost effective and productive in promoting green energy. Unlike traditional plants that require every 1 to 2 years, SMRs may only need to be refuelled every 3 to 7 years. In order to fulfil UN’s SDG7 goals and to mitigate our clear energy needs, Pakistan should pursue to explore the avenues for the utilization of Small Modulator Reactors (SMRs).
India joins the murder club
By: Durdana Najam | October 24, 2024
The gravity of the allegations was starkly highlighted by a press conference in Canada where senior police officials accused Indian diplomats, including High Commissioner Sanjay Kumar Verma, of orchestrating Nijjar's murder. Nijjar was gunned down outside a gurdwara in Vancouver, and according to Canadian intelligence, this was not an isolated incident. The officials also implicated Indian diplomats in other murders, extortion and coercive activities on Canadian soil, allegedly in collaboration with notorious Indian gangster Goldy Brar. Prime Minister Justin Trudeau further escalated the situation, stating that Canada had credible intelligence linking India to violent crimes, including "drive-by shootings" and "home invasions".
The allegations have ignited a diplomatic row that threatens to unravel India-Canada relations, while also raising alarm over India's methods of exerting influence on foreign soil. India has consistently denied any involvement, dismissing the accusations as absurd, and countering with claims that Canada has become a safe haven for Sikh extremists. However, the recent developments in the US have complicated India's narrative.
The indictment of Vikash Yadav, a former Indian intelligence official, for plotting to assassinate US citizen Gurpatwant Singh Pannun, a prominent Sikh separatist, has introduced another dimension to the debate. Yadav is accused of collaborating with Nikhil Gupta, an intermediary based in New York, to execute the killing, which was foiled when the hired assassin turned out to be an undercover US law enforcement officer. What makes this case particularly concerning is its connection to the Nijjar killing. According to US prosecutors, Gupta mentioned a "big target" in Canada just days before Nijjar was murdered, and Yadav later sent a video of Nijjar's lifeless body to his middleman.
India's involvement in these alleged plots has drawn disturbing comparisons to other countries notorious for transnational repression. According to intelligence officials, India's actions bear a striking resemblance to the practices of Israel's Mossad. The willingness to target dissidents abroad marks a significant departure from India's historical approach to intelligence operations, raising questions about the extent of Modi's nationalist agenda.
In an investigation by The Guardian earlier this year, it was revealed that India has allegedly been involved in up to 20 targeted killings across the border in Pakistan since 2020, mostly aimed at dissidents and Sikh activists. This trend, according to intelligence insiders, signals a broader shift in India's foreign policy, with the government emboldened to take more aggressive actions abroad. "What the Saudis did was very effective," an Indian intelligence officer told The Guardian, referring to the Jamal Khashoggi's case. "You not only get rid of your enemy but send a chilling message, a warning to those working against you."
The potential implications of this shift are far-reaching. India's alleged actions in Canada, the US and Pakistan point to a dangerous pattern of extraterritorial violence, one that threatens not just the sovereignty of individual nations but also the international order. Transnational repression - the use of illegal means by states to silence dissent abroad - has become a worrying tactic that undermines diplomatic norms and human rights protections. It is a tactic more commonly associated with authoritarian regimes, and its use by a democratic nation like India raises significant ethical concerns.
Canada and the US have thus far handled the situation with caution, mindful of India's strategic importance. While Canada has expressed outrage, pressing charges against Indian diplomats remains a challenge. For the US, India is a critical ally in the Indo-Pacific, and Washington has tried to balance its strategic interests with upholding the rule of law. Nonetheless, the indictment of Yadav by the US Department of Justice sends a clear message: geopolitical alliances will not shield foreign actors from accountability.
This case exposes the limits of international diplomacy in the face of state-sponsored violence. While the Western nations involved are key allies of India, they cannot afford to ignore the potential threat posed by a government willing to violate their sovereignty. If the allegations are proven true, the international community will have to confront an uncomfortable reality: India is transforming into a rogue actor on the global stage, undermining its own credibility as a democratic nation committed to peace and stability.
India's diplomatic fallout with Canada and the US should serve as a wake-up call. The international community must take a firm stand against the use of violence as a tool for political gain, especially when carried out beyond a nation's borders. Failure to do so risks normalising extraterritorial assassinations as an acceptable method of repression, threatening global peace and the safety of dissidents worldwide. This is a critical moment for diplomacy - a test of whether the rule of law can withstand the growing pressures of nationalism and state-sponsored violence.
An odyssey of negligence
By: Insaf Ali Bangwar | October 24, 2024
A beacon of hope, a sign of inclusivity, the apparatus behind progress and a resilient force to drive development, the youth is celebrated in almost all countries. However, Pakistan remains reluctant to embrace this asset and pays no heed to their aspirations, falls short of providing basic necessities required for growth and has historically been incompetent to craft policies academically beneficial for the young population. What is more disheartening is that the reluctance to embrace and the incompetence of crafting youth-centric policies remains.
To make the youth gravitate to compete against the global market requires a highly polished curriculum and trained teachers to transfer what is in the curriculum. Facilitating freelancers to leverage the economy and producing a skills-oriented education and environment from the beginning are the short-term and long-term incentives the policymakers can adopt for a brighter future
Accommodating 64 percent youth (out of the total population) must have been a figure of pride with 29 percent aged between 15 to 29, though, Pakistan has, thus far, not been able to realize the potential they are blessed with. Ironically, the youth isn’t satisfied with being youth in the country given the absence of apparatus that bestows a robust academic background. As a result, pursuing a career remains an alien concept, and academic growth a vague term.
Imagine a force biologically resilient, psychologically determined and physically assiduous working for a nation without any regret to rest. Would that nation not be counted in as a developed one? Is that force not capable of turning the fortune of a nation? And the answer has historically been positive. Notwithstanding, the land of the pure neglects their potential and, thus, negates the progress since a river cannot be crossed without a sail.
Youth, in itself, is a paragon of progress. The policies, the wherewithal and the policymakers are to blame given their incapability to hone the potential. The youth lives in a depressed environment. The thicker clouds of blues incessantly surrounds upon, leaving the talented, potentialized, and capable just to be reduced to indigenous work with minimal wages. In other words, the agony has a close relationship with youth and ecstasy remains a vigilant foe. Even with that bad state of affairs, there’s a hope within, and an itch of progress remains.
Neither a top-down, nor a bottom-up modus operandi has been in operation to pull the youth from the quagmire of lack of skill. IT, freelancing, entrepreneurship and cooperative operations are yet to be touched by this youth in proper manner, though a single digit percentage of individuals have already been occupied with the mentioned professions.
The very ground to polish and hone the potentialities has been missing given the obsolete curriculum, teacher’s absenteeism, modern skills exclusion, and willing omission of contemporary in-demand crafts. With obsolete skills, out-dated knowledge and inadequate experience they enter the job market, and nothing but low paid nine-to-five vacancies are vacant with ‘do or sit home’ options. Good pay, low workload, higher positions are crowned to the highest bidders, and if, by any chance, some vacancies escape, retired military officers jump in for an extra source of income. The deserving youth alternatively tries hard to sail to a land with good income, adequate working hours and equal playing field.
Successive political set-ups have successfully failed to facilitate the freelancers who leverage the economy, notwithstanding the crippled education system with irrelevant syllabi, let alone the overall youth of the country. The governmental negligence is apparent since millions of Pakistanis are becoming part of the ‘diaspora’ every year. Labour, professionals and even PhD holders prefer a foreign air to breathe.
The inability to xerox foreign curricula into native, corrupt hierarchical surveillance mechanisms, a dwindling annual education budget, merit negation, bid promotion in recruitment processes, testing services ‘behind the door’ heist remains an unknown that further exacerbates the situation. The youth, amid all, gets gridlocked. No space to move except to suffer in silence.
The ephemeral motivational quotations like ‘never give up’ are valid provided there’s a short-lived economic or political, or social crisis before the youth to excel. However, a handcuffed person thrown into a desert of despair and instructed to ‘never give up’ would be highly unlikely to work. Unsurprisingly, the country’s youth is akin to that handcuffed person thrown into the desert with the same words.
With the current curriculum, education system, hierarchical surveillance mechanism, merit negation, bid promotion and recruitment heists behind closed doors, it is highly unlikely Pakistani youth could survive against the global competition and ergo, Pakistan’s socio-economic and political crisis will be here to stay. Larger-than-life crises will get even larger unless the youth of the country comes to the rescue.
The sole way to progress in this evolving world is to empower the youth. In-demand skills, adequate tools, proper training campaigns, trained teacher’s tutoring are a few necessities to pull the youth from the current abysmal circumstances.
To make the youth gravitate to compete against the global market requires a highly polished curriculum and trained teachers to transfer what is in the curriculum. Facilitating freelancers to leverage the economy and producing a skills-oriented education and environment from the beginning are the short-term and long-term incentives the policymakers can adopt for a brighter future.
Significance of the Kazan Summit
By: M A Hossain | October 24, 2024
The Kazan summit of the BRICS bloc is poised to shape global geopolitics by asserting a collective vision that challenges the current Western-dominated world order. The BRICS alliance, originally comprised of Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa, has expanded its reach by inviting new members, including Egypt, Ethiopia, Iran, and the UAE. This expansion, coupled with the recent geopolitical shifts driven by growing competition between the West and major powers like Russia and China, sets the stage for the summit to become a significant milestone in the ongoing push for an alternative world order.
The BRICS bloc has long been a platform for emerging economies to express dissatisfaction with Western-led global governance structures. With its members representing nearly 40% of the world’s population and around 25% of global GDP, BRICS carries substantial weight in international discussions on economic development, climate change, and multilateral cooperation. However, its expanded membership now introduces new dimensions of influence, particularly in energy markets and developing economies. The key agenda for the BRICS summit in Kazan is advancing a multipolar world order. This vision seeks to reduce the dominance of the U.S. and the Western-led global financial system by increasing the use of non-dollar currencies in international trade and encouraging reforms in multilateral institutions. The New Development Bank (NDB), created by BRICS in 2015 as an alternative to the World Bank, is one such initiative aimed at offering a non-Western model for development financing. However, the NDB’s lending capacity remains dwarfed by its Western counterparts, indicating that while BRICS has made some progress, it still faces considerable challenges in reshaping the global financial system.
A key theme of the Kazan Summit was the need for reforms in global governance institutions, such as the United Nations (UN), the World Trade Organization (WTO), and the IMF. BRICS nations have consistently argued that these institutions are outdated and do not accurately reflect the current global balance of power. The summit called for a more inclusive and representative international system that gives greater voice to emerging economies and developing nations. Russia and China, two of the bloc’s most assertive voices, are particularly keen on reducing reliance on the US dollar. This is a strategic goal for both countries, as they face Western sanctions and increasing economic isolation. The inclusion of countries like Iran, which is also heavily sanctioned by the US, reflects the growing identity of BRICS as a counterweight to Western pressure. Iran’s participation, alongside energy giants like the UAE, positions BRICS to challenge the dollar’s dominance in global oil markets, where transactions are predominantly conducted in dollars.
Despite its ambitions, BRICS is not without internal contradictions. While Russia and China aggressively push for an anti-Western agenda, countries like India, Brazil, and South Africa are more cautious. These nations still rely heavily on trade with the U.S. and Europe and are hesitant to fully align themselves with an anti-Western bloc. India, for instance, continues to maintain strong economic relationships with both Western countries and its BRICS counterparts, using the bloc as a forum to advance its interests without burning bridges.
The addition of new members, including those with conflicting geopolitical interests, further complicates the bloc’s cohesion. For example, the UAE and Egypt are key U.S. allies in the Middle East, while Iran has been a longstanding adversary of Washington. This geopolitical diversity raises questions about whether BRICS can maintain a unified agenda while balancing the divergent interests of its members.
However, dethroning the dollar is not without significant hurdles. The U.S. dollar is deeply embedded in global financial systems, with the vast majority of cross-border transactions and reserves held in dollars. While BRICS has made efforts to increase the use of local currencies in trade, progress has been slow, and the global financial architecture remains dominated by Western institutions. The expansion of BRICS is both an opportunity and a challenge for the Global South. For countries like Brazil, India, and South Africa, the bloc provides a platform to amplify their voices in global governance while maintaining economic relationships with the West. These countries see BRICS as a means to hedge against future uncertainties, allowing them to navigate the geopolitical shifts without having to choose sides in a new Cold War-like rivalry between the U.S. and China.
For Russia and China, however, BRICS is a strategic tool to counterbalance U.S. influence and reshape global governance. Both countries are positioning themselves as champions of a new world order that rejects Western political and economic hegemony. This strategy is particularly important for Russia, which, in the wake of its invasion of Ukraine, is seeking to show that it is not isolated on the global stage.
One of the most significant takeaways from the Kazan Summit was the recognition that the current global order, dominated by the United States and its Western allies, is increasingly ill-equipped to address the complexities of the 21st century. Global challenges such as climate change, pandemics, and economic inequality require a cooperative, multilateral approach that goes beyond the narrow interests of any one region or bloc. BRICS, with its emphasis on multilateralism, inclusivity, and mutual respect, offers a viable alternative to the existing world order. The group’s vision of a multipolar world, where power is more evenly distributed, contrasts sharply with the dominance of Western powers in global decision-making. As the world becomes more interconnected, BRICS’ model of cooperation and shared responsibility is increasingly relevant in addressing global issues that transcend national borders.
Nevertheless, the expansion of BRICS and its growing influence in global energy markets represent a significant shift in the global balance of power. If the bloc can navigate its internal challenges and present a united front, it could play a pivotal role in reshaping the global order. As the Kazan summit unfolds, the world will be watching to see whether BRICS can translate its vision of an alternative world order into reality.
Jammu & Kashmir Legislative Assembly elections
By: Mazhar Javed | October 23, 2024
FLAWED on a million accounts, elections for the Illegally-occupied Jammu & Kashmir (IIOJ&K) Legislative Assembly have been held, results announced on 8 October and leader of the Jammu Kashmir National Conference (JKNC) Omar Abdullah sworn in as the Chief Minister. Elections were held for a total of legislative 90 seats. Major players were the Jammu & Kashmir National Conference (JKNC) in alliance with Indian National Congress and Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). JKNC Alliance was opposed to Indian decision to revoke Article 370 of its Constitution and its opponent BJP, the architect of that decision. Illegal revocation of the Article 370 in August 2019 had stripped the Occupied Jammu Kashmir of its special autonomous status.
Being the first legislative elections after the revocation of Article 370, international media and analysts were viewing these elections as a referendum on revocation. The New York Times wrote, “It seemed clear that Kashmiris would rather vote for anyone, even a local party in alliance with mainstream Indian politicians than the Hindu-first leaders who revoked their special status in 2019”. Al Jazeera came up with the headline, “Party opposed to India’s stripping of Kashmir’s autonomy wins election”.
Yes, that is the way many analysts viewed the elections and interpreted its results. Personally, I fail to understand how someone could even expect the Kashmiri people to put their stamp of approval on BJP’s oppressive policies and systematic violation of their human, political and social rights. Expecting Kashmiris to support BJP would be like expecting the oppressed to side with their oppressor. And then, when did BJP ever aim to win the hearts and minds of Muslims, let alone Kashmiris. Its ideology is exactly the opposite. Historically, elections [read sham elections] in Occupied Kashmir have always been grounded in their peculiar context. Recent elections had an exceptionally complicated backdrop.
These elections have been held after a gap of ten years since the last elections were held in 2014. The intervening decade – the BJP decade – was an eventful one. Kashmiri Freedom Movement started to gain extraordinary momentum soon after 2014 elections, gathering a new momentum and spreading across Kashmir after the martyrdom of Burhan Wani in July 2016. Indian response to this struggle was crushing. Security forces broke its own gruesome records of high handedness with continued use of pallet guns, disappearances and killings that invited sharp earning a sharp criticism from international human rights watchdogs. Things further worsened with Uri and Pulwama attacks.
In August 2019, the Indian Government illegally and unilaterally revoked Article 370 of its Constitution that had given an autonomous status to the occupied territory. This decision was coupled by all measures of oppression: months’ long uninterrupted curfew, internet blockade, lockdown, arrest of all political leadership and deployment of hundreds of thousands of additional troops in this already most densely militarized zone in the world. Thousands of youngsters were arrested and put in far off prisons, night raids, indiscriminate shootings and rape. Use of rape as a tool of political suppression has become a hallmark of Indian policy. These measures put Kashmiris’ sentiment diametrically at odds against BJP’s policies. That is what has been reflected in the recent election results.
These elections had been held after an elaborate homework by the Modi regime to win a victory for BJP. Objective was to claim that Kashmiris had endorsed August 2019 decision. After the revocation of Article 370, a number of steps had been taken to dilute the Muslim majority in Jammu Kashmir. Change in the domicile rules had allowed many non-Kashmiris to settle in Jammu Kashmir and change demographic chemistry. Delimitation of electoral boundaries had further disenfranchised the Muslim population in Jammu Kashmir.
In March 2020, Delimitation Commission was formed for readjustment of legislative seats. The Commission added six additional seats to the Hindu-dominated Jammu Division and one seat to Muslim-dominated Kashmir Division. With this, Hindu majority Jammu with 43% population was allocated 47% seats, while Muslim majority Kashmir Division with 56% population 52% seats. With these additions, the total number of seats rose to 90, for which elections have now been held. In the run up to these elections, New Delhi gave sweeping powers to its nominated Governor over the local authorities. Even as Omar Abdulla’s new Government is sworn in, its powers are massively curtailed with a tight control of New Delhi.
In short, elections were held after systematic attempts at disenfranchisement of Muslims in any way possible. And that was not the first time in history. Recall the Jammu Massacre. It was through a well thought-out organized massacre in 1947 that killed an estimated 250,000 to 500,000 Muslims in Jammu that converted Muslims from a majority in Jammu. One element of the election results which is like an optical illusion is the 60 % plus voter turn out. Make no mistake, those going to the polling stations were not giving legitimacy to BJP regime or its decisions. They were casting their votes because not casting a vote would have strengthened BJP’s relative position in the elections.
Jammu Kashmir elections have yet again demonstrated that neither Indian oppressive policies nor the slogan and promise of development have swayed Kashmiri people from their demand and right of self determination. That is after BJP had tried and tested all possible tools from worst oppression to legislative measures, demographic engineering and the promise of so-called development. Kashmiri people have stood all tests.
Defeat of Modi’s narrative in Indian-Occupied Kashmir elections
By: Abdul Basit Alvi | October 23, 2024
Since taking office in 2014, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and the BJP have implemented a range of policies that have sparked significant debate regarding their effects on India’s minority communities. The implications of these actions for religious minorities, particularly Muslims, Christians, and others, have raised concerns about inclusivity, secularism, and communal harmony in a diverse nation.
The proposed implementation of the NRC, especially in Assam, has raised alarms among minority communities. While it is said that the NRC aims to document all legal citizens of India, there are concerns that the process may disproportionately affect Muslims, who might struggle to provide the necessary documentation. The combination of the NRC and CAA has intensified fears of statelessness among many.
Modi’s government has also promoted policies that favor Hindu cultural values, such as cow protection, which can disproportionately impact Muslim communities involved in the cattle trade. These policies have sometimes led to violence against minorities and fostered an atmosphere of intolerance. Under Modi’s leadership, instances of communal violence have increased, often fueled by hate speech and rhetoric from party leaders and affiliated groups.
The BJP has sought to reshape educational curricula to emphasize Hindu history and culture. This shift has raised concerns about the erasure of a pluralistic narrative in favor of a majoritarian one. The actions of Modi’s government have sparked intense public discourse, with many civil society groups, activists, and opposition parties strongly opposing policies perceived as discriminatory. Protests, often led by students and minority organizations, have called for a reaffirmation of India’s secular ethos and an end to communal politics.
Internationally, these developments have faced significant criticism. Human rights organizations and foreign governments have voiced concerns about the treatment of minorities in India, urging the Modi administration to uphold its commitments to equality and justice. Since Narendra Modi became Prime Minister in 2014, human rights violations against minority communities in India have come increasingly under scrutiny. The government’s policies and actions have raised serious concerns about the treatment of religious and ethnic minorities, particularly Muslims, Christians, and Dalits.
One of the most concerning trends during Modi’s tenure has been the rise in communal violence. High-profile incidents, such as the Delhi riots in February 2020, resulted in numerous deaths and injuries, primarily impacting Muslim communities.
Under Modi’s administration, there have been growing reports of violence and harassment targeting religious practices. The Modi administration has also faced criticism for its crackdown on dissent, particularly against activists and journalists who speak out against human rights violations. Numerous cases have emerged where activists advocating for minority rights have been arrested on charges ranging from sedition to terrorism. This suppression creates a chilling effect, discouraging individuals and organizations from advocating for the rights of marginalized communities.
Concerns have also been raised about the government’s approach to education and cultural representation. Efforts to revise school curricula often emphasize Hindu achievements and narratives while downplaying the contributions of minorities, which can alienate minority students and foster an environment where they feel excluded from the national narrative.
In Indian-occupied Kashmir, human rights concerns have also intensified, especially since the BJP came to power in 2014. The region, with its long history of conflict and tension, has seen an escalation of violence and repression, alarming human rights organizations and the international community.
The conflict in Jammu and Kashmir has roots in the 1947 partition of India. Following the princely state’s forced accession to India, various political, social, and religious tensions emerged, resulting in several wars and ongoing insurgency. The situation worsened after the Indian government’s unilateral abrogation of Article 370 in August 2019, which stripped the region of its special status and led to widespread unrest. Reports of violence in Indian-occupied Kashmir have surged under the Modi government, with security forces accused of using excessive force to suppress protests arising from perceived injustices and human rights violations. Encounters with freedom fighters have often resulted in civilian casualties, and the use of pellet guns, a contentious crowd control measure, has caused severe injuries, especially among young people.
Numerous organizations, including Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, have documented various human rights violations in Indian-occupied Kashmir. Since 2014, there has been a significant increase in arbitrary detentions, with political leaders, activists, and ordinary citizens being held without formal charges.
The narrative put forth by Modi and his party has failed, and the people of India are fully aware of the BJP’s ulterior motives. The residents of Indian-occupied Kashmir have distanced themselves from this electoral spectacle and are calling for their right to self-determination. The international community should urge India to comply with UN resolutions regarding the right to self-determination for Kashmiris. The ultimate aspiration of the Kashmiri people is to join Pakistan, and this reality should be acknowledged by both India and the global community.
The harsh Public Safety Act (PSA) has been frequently employed to imprison individuals for extended periods without trial. Reports of torture and mistreatment in detention facilities have surfaced, with former detainees sharing their harrowing experiences. The government has enacted strict measures to control the flow of information, with internet shutdowns becoming common, particularly during times of unrest.
Journalists and media outlets face harassment and censorship, making it difficult to accurately report on the situation. Human rights defenders and activists in IIOJK have experienced increased scrutiny and harassment, often facing threats, intimidation, and legal action for speaking out against government policies and human rights abuses. The international community has voiced concerns about the situation in Indian-occupied Kashmir, with various countries and human rights organizations calling for investigations into these abuses. However, India’s diplomatic influence and strategic importance have often muted strong responses from global powers.
Traditionally, the Governor of Indian-occupied Kashmir acted as a representative of the President of India and held specific powers, including oversight of the state government. In recent years, particularly following constitutional changes by the central government, these powers have expanded significantly. The Governor now has enhanced legislative authority, allowing for greater control over local laws and policies. This shift enables the Governor to influence critical areas such as land use, public safety, and law enforcement, often sidelining locally elected governments. Critics argue that this undermines the democratic process and erodes local autonomy.
The Governor’s increased authority extends to key appointments within the state administration, including the selection of bureaucrats and heads of public institutions, which can lead to local governance being heavily influenced by the central government. This centralization of power can diminish the effectiveness of local leaders and institutions. In matters of security and law enforcement, the Governor now wields significant influence, raising concerns about the militarization of governance, as security forces often operate under the Governor’s directives.
The expanded powers of the Governor facilitate the rapid implementation of central government policies in Indian-occupied Kashmir, often without adequate local consultation. This has resulted in tensions between local political leaders and the central government. Residents believe these changes undermine the region’s democratic fabric, concentrating decision-making authority in the hands of unelected officials.
The lack of local representation in governance exacerbates feelings of alienation among the people, as policies imposed from New Delhi without local input have led to widespread discontent. There are concerns that the expanded powers could be misused to suppress dissent, stifle opposition, and curtail freedoms, further exacerbating the region’s already tense political climate. The people of Indian-occupied Kashmir have long faced the question of their political future, navigating competing narratives of nationalism and identity.
Amid ongoing political turmoil, a significant portion is increasingly expressing a desire for self-determination and potential accession to Pakistan. The unresolved status of Kashmir has intensified tensions between India and Pakistan, with the people of Indian-occupied Kashmir often at the centre of this geopolitical struggle, their voices and aspirations frequently overlooked. Residents seek the right to self-determination.
Kashmiris view accession to Pakistan as a viable solution to their aspirations, often citing shared religious and cultural ties, as well as a perceived historical connection. They believe that joining Pakistan would offer a framework for self-determination, allowing them to preserve their identity and manage their affairs more autonomously. The policies of the BJP-led government have intensified feelings of alienation among the people of Indian-occupied Kashmir. Reports of human rights violations, heavy-handed security measures, and economic neglect have fueled discontent. As trust in Indian governance erodes, calls for self-determination and accession to Pakistan are gaining momentum.
The youth of Indian-occupied Kashmir, who have grown up amid conflict and unrest, are particularly vocal in their demands for change. They are increasingly participating in political discourse, advocating for their rights, and expressing a desire for self-determination. This demographic views its struggle for the future as intrinsically linked to the broader aspirations of the Kashmiri people.
The people of Indian-occupied Kashmir are dissatisfied with India, Modi, the BJP, and its anti-Kashmiri policies. Modi’s narrative of governance and division has resulted in significant backlash, culminating in the BJP’s historic defeat in the recent elections in IIOJK, which were held after a decade. According to Indian media, the Indian National Congress has emerged with a clear lead in the region. The recent electoral outcomes have highlighted the importance of political narratives in shaping voter sentiment and behaviour. When election results diverge from the established narrative, it is crucial for political leaders and parties to recognize this disconnect. Ignoring it can hinder progress and alienate constituents.
The narrative put forth by Modi and his party has failed, and the people of India are fully aware of the BJP’s ulterior motives. The residents of Indian-occupied Kashmir have distanced themselves from this electoral spectacle and are calling for their right to self-determination. The international community should urge India to comply with UN resolutions regarding the right to self-determination for Kashmiris. The ultimate aspiration of the Kashmiri people is to join Pakistan, and this reality should be acknowledged by both India and the global community.
Jaishankar’s selective diplomacy
By: Omay Aimen | October 23, 2024
Pakistan hosted the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Summit, focusing on strengthening multilateral dialogue for sustainable peace and prosperity. The Summit’s theme emphasizes cooperative solutions for regional security, economic growth, and stability. Pakistan’s geostrategic location and economic potential can bridge divides among member states amid global tensions and power dynamics.
India’s presence at the summit, reflected a mix of diplomatic posturing and selective narratives. External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar acknowledged Pakistan’s role but criticized terrorism, separatism, and extremism. He emphasized the “three evils” of terrorism without addressing internal issues like the Kashmir turmoil and the Manipur insurgency. This selective focus on external threats, while ignoring internal unrest, underscores a broader challenge for India, which seeks to maintain its regional dominance while deflecting criticism of its domestic policies.
Jaishankar’s reliance on sovereignty and territorial integrity highlighted India’s disapproval of regional projects like the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), which have become emblems of Pakistan’s economic revival and China’s increasing influence in South Asia. CPEC, which passes through territories wrongly claimed by India, has been a source of contention between the two nations, with India viewing the project as a violation of its territorial integrity. This stance, while consistent with India’s broader foreign policy objectives, highlights the tension between regional economic cooperation and national sovereignty. India’s objection to CPEC reflects a broader concern about China’s strategic initiatives in Pakistan and Central Asia, which threaten to shift regional power dynamics. In this context, analysts may criticize India’s promotion of cooperation in multilateral forums such as the SCO while opposing regional initiatives such as CPEC and restricting trade relations with Pakistan, revealing a pattern of selective regionalism that undermines broader efforts at integration.
Jaishankar’s speech emphasized the importance of reforming the United Nations Security Council, which is central to India’s global aspirations. India’s plan to have a permanent seat on the UNSC is part of a broader strategy to strengthen its position as a global power, which has been opposed by Pakistan and other regional players in the past. Pakistan views India’s UNSC bid with suspicion, seeing it as an attempt to consolidate disproportionate influence over global decision-making processes.
The debate over UNSC reforms within the SCO reflects larger geopolitical tensions between rising powers like India and established global players like Russia and China, both of whom play significant roles within the organization. India’s soft power diplomacy efforts, like Yoga and ISA, may not address regional political and security challenges. Pakistan, on the other hand, focuses on infrastructure projects like CPEC, which could transform Pakistan into a regional trade hub and challenge India’s soft power narrative.
India’s selective participation in the SCO has significant implications, especially in the context of South Asia’s persistent challenges. Although South Asia is a highly populous region, it still lacks integration due to deep-seated political, economic, and security divisions that hinder cooperation efforts.
The Kashmir conflict remains a major impediment to any real discussion between India and Pakistan, with India’s present leadership, the Bharatiya Janata Party, which is maintaining an increasingly harsh posture on the matter. The removal of Article 370, which guaranteed special autonomy to Jammu and Kashmir, has only heightened tensions, with the people of Indian Occupied Kashmir (IIOJK) opposing India’s unilateral actions. Modi’s efforts in Kashmir, far from settling the conflict, have exacerbated Kashmiris’ feelings of alienation and disenfranchisement, demonstrating that the issue cannot be pushed under the rug by diplomatic posturing alone.
However, the path ahead requires prudent diplomacy. Pakistan must strike a balance between its objectives inside the SCO and avoiding alienation from major global allies, especially given the organization’s reputation for counterbalancing Western influence. The summit provides Pakistan with a rare opportunity to raise its profile, but success will be determined by its ability to handle these issues, going beyond rhetoric to generate significant contributions to regional peace and economic integration.
The Kashmir conflict will continue to impede regional stability in South Asia. The only way to achieve long-term peace in the area is via dialogue, not isolation. However, India’s present strategy, which includes boycotting even basic diplomatic engagements such as bilateral discussions or cricket matches with Pakistan, reflects a larger unwillingness to interact with its neighbour.
This refusal to confront core concerns through conversation merely exacerbates the divide between the two countries, continuing a cycle of distrust and antagonism. To establish long-term stability in South Asia, both India and Pakistan must be prepared to tackle their differences via open communication and productive interaction. In this context, the SCO, with its emphasis on multilateral cooperation, provides a crucial forum for these debates, even if they do not explicitly address bilateral concerns.
Pakistan’s hosting of the summit demonstrates its commitment to multilateralism and regional integration, despite strained relations with India. With its strategic location, economic potential, and terrorism combat experience, Pakistan can build alliances with China and Russia to shape the SCO’s future, while avoiding alienation from Western allies.
The SCO Summit is a crucial moment in Pakistan’s diplomatic efforts. India’s involvement, despite the typical conflicts, emphasizes the crucial need for Pakistan to express its leadership in promoting multilateralism and regional cooperation. By exploiting projects like CPEC and tackling security concerns via real conversation, Pakistan can fight India’s selective participation and boost its own strategic importance.
However, the path ahead requires prudent diplomacy. Pakistan must strike a balance between its objectives inside the SCO and avoiding alienation from major global allies, especially given the organization’s reputation for counterbalancing Western influence. The summit provides Pakistan with a rare opportunity to raise its profile, but success will be determined by its ability to handle these issues, going beyond rhetoric to generate significant contributions to regional peace and economic integration.
SCO - A Beacon of Hope
By: Dr. Saira Kazmi | October 23, 2024
The 23rd Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) summit, held from 14th to 16th October 2024 at the Jinnah Convention Center in Islamabad, marked a crucial phase for Pakistan in strengthening ties in economic cooperation, politics, bilateral relations, trade, regional security, and cultural exchange among Eurasian countries. The SCO comprises Pakistan, Russia, China, Iran, India, Kazakhstan, Tajikistan, Kyrgyzstan, Belarus, and Uzbekistan, with 16 more countries acting as observers and dialogue partners.
Since becoming a full member of the SCO at the 2017 summit in Kazakhstan, Pakistan has consistently sought to maintain strong relations with Eurasian nations for mutually beneficial outcomes. This year, Pakistan demonstrated its commitment to fostering cooperation and regional unity by successfully organizing and chairing the summit. The participating countries showed a clear determination to enhance collaboration in various fields, promoting development and global peace. Key attendees included Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin, Chinese Premier Li Qiang, Indian External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar, and other leaders from the participant countries.
Asia has increasingly become an economic and political hub, and Pakistan has gained strategic importance within the region, offering trade connectivity to Central Asian countries. Pakistan also articulated its vision of a connected Eurasia. In terms of economic development, projects such as the Belt and Road Initiative, the International North-South Transport Corridor, railways, roads, digital infrastructure, and the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor were central to discussions, and agreements were made to expand these initiatives. These are encouraging steps for Pakistan to showcase its progress, especially when the country is grappling with severe economic and political challenges. However, the government must be cautious not to overburden citizens with additional taxes. People are seeking relief, not more financial strain, as illustrated by the widespread frustration over soaring electricity bills and the rising cost of living.
According to the Pakistan Bureau of Statistics’ 2024 report, the inflation rate dropped to 6.9% in September, down from 9.6% in August, with consumer prices falling by 0.5% month-on-month. However, this slight decline does little to offset the sharp rise in daily expenses. For example, petrol prices in Pakistan have surged dramatically—from Rs. 74 per litre in 2015 to Rs. 214 per litre in 2022, Rs. 331 per litre in 2023, and now Rs. 249 per litre in 2024. Meanwhile, the prices of essential goods remain out of reach for many, placing additional strain on the average citizen.
Pakistan has faced significant setbacks in recent years, including the devastating 2020 floods that displaced millions and caused widespread damage to crops, infrastructure, and livestock. Terrorist activities have further compounded the country’s economic and human losses. Despite these challenges, the government’s effort to host 900 delegates at the SCO summit demonstrates a resolve to navigate through a fragile economy. However, sustained progress will require continuous efforts from all political parties. Future governments must build on the initiatives of their predecessors rather than discarding them for political reasons. A unified agenda, focused on the welfare of the country, is essential for Pakistan to establish a stable economic and political foundation.
The SCO summit has offered a glimmer of hope, potentially leading to job creation and economic opportunities for citizens. What is needed now is persistent effort and collaboration, aimed at securing a prosperous future for Pakistan rather than allowing it to become a pawn in political games.
Modi's defeat in Kashmir
By: Asif Durrani | October 23, 2024
The election results show that the National Conference (NC), led by Farooq Abdullah, won 42 seats in a house of 90; and its ally, Indian National Congress (INC), secured six seats, thus enabling NC and INC to combine to form a government. Already, Farooq Abdullah has announced that his son, Umar Farooq, will be the chief minister. The BJP secured 29 seats from the Hindu majority region of Jammu, but failed to secure a single seat in the Muslim majority Kashmir valley despite putting up candidates in 19 constituencies, underscoring complete rejection of the BJP. Media reports suggest most of the BJP candidates lost their deposits.
BJP's strategy to divide the Kashmir valley's Muslim vote by propping up people like Engineer Rashid, who emerged as a dark horse in the Lok Sabha elections by defeating Omar Abdullah and Peoples Conference chief Sajad Lone from the Baramulla Lok Sabha seat; he contested his elections from jail and won. Presumably, releasing Engineer Rashid from prison before the state assembly elections would divide the NC-INC alliance's votes. However, his Awami Ittehad Party (AIP) failed to make an impact and won only a single seat in the Valley.
Occupied Kashmir assembly elections were held after a gap of ten years. Since 5th August 2019, when the Modi government bulldozed articles 370 and 35-A of the Indian constitution that provided special status to the occupied state, the occupied state was not only deprived of statehood status but also both the pro- and anti-India Kashmiri leadership faced worst ever lockdown: complete censorship, internet and social media jamming and thousands of arbitrary arrests, including children's.
After the National Conference's success, its leader, Farooq Abdullah, said, "Its (NC's) mandate was to run the region without 'Police Raj' rule and try freeing the people from jail." His son and prospective Chief Minister, Omar Abdullah, said in an interview with the NDTV that his party would endeavour to "restore the statehood status of the State". However, both Abdullahs were visibly cautious of making any sound promises, knowing full well that as a union territory, the occupied state's political dispensation would not be more than a municipality focusing on health and education. All key powers over security, finances, police and the bureaucracy are now vested in the Lt Governor. Therefore, Mr Omar Abdullah will be sitting as a mayor of the occupied Kashmir rather than exercising his powers as a Chief Minister. According to renowned Indian analyst Radha Kumar, Omar Abdullah's most significant challenge would be "restoring civil liberties such as free media, right to dissent and protest, which are presently disallowed".
Some Indian analysts see the Kashmir elections as a sequel to Mr Modi's recent setback in the general elections. Although he could form the government through coalition partners, his position has been drastically undermined to dictate his agenda, which is mainly influenced by a populist streak and directed at minorities, especially Muslims. Therefore, occupied Kashmir would continue to haunt him for finding a "final solution" to the Kashmir dispute.
Mr Modi may have taken the extreme step of changing the basic structure of the occupied state by dividing it into two union territories: Jammu & Kashmir and Ladakh. The Indian parliament, where BJP enjoyed a two-thirds majority after the 2019 elections, took the extreme measure on 5th August of the same year by revoking articles 370 and 35-A that allowed special status to the disputed state. Even the special status was not accepted by the United Nations as a way out for the exercise of the right to self-determination. The UNSC also rejected the Indian contention in resolutions 91 (1951) and 122 (1957) that holding elections in the disputed state would be tantamount to ascertaining the wishes of Kashmiri people.
There will be different interpretations of the disputed state's elections. For the BJP, the union territory status of the disputed state would be a lever in the hands of the union government to dictate its agenda through the Lt Governor. The BJP government at the Centre would make sure that the disputed state remains under pressure and continues to take measures towards changing the demography of the state and turn it from a Muslim majority to a Hindu majority state; issuance of domicile certificates to non-resident Kashmiris, mostly Hindus, is vigorously pursued to change the ethno-religious structure of the entire state. How the NC-INC alliance is going to change this basic injustice meted out to the Kashmiris will be the actual test of the pro-Indian coalition.
India has displayed enough intransigence in stonewalling an amicable solution to the seven-decades-old dispute. But it has become obvious ever since that it's the people of the occupied state who have rejected the Indian rule despite carrot and coercive policies pursued by various governments in New Delhi. Mr Modi's actions in the occupied state have been described as the most repressive ever since the Kashmir dispute surfaced, but Kashmiris have defeated him with empty hands. The same is true of Pakistan, which has stood by the Kashmiris throughout. Therefore, a reconciliatory approach with Kashmiris and Pakistan is still an option for Mr Modi.
Emerging technologies for innovation
By: Atta-ur-Rahman | October 23, 2024
With a population of over 240 million, more than 60 per cent of which is under the age of 30, Pakistan is at a crucial moment in its developmental journey.
The universities have a key role to play in the process of socio-economic development. This was not possible two decades ago because the faculty in universities was weak but the enormous progress in the research landscape of Pakistan over the last two decades, largely due to the programmes initiated by us, has now placed the universities in a position where they can change gears and start focusing their efforts on promoting innovations and entrepreneurship.
A wonderful new entrepreneurial university has been established in Pakistan recently under my stewardship that can serve as an excellent model to follow. This is the Pak Austrian Fachhochschule in Haripur Hazara. It has 13 foreign universities collaborating, four from Austria, one from Germany, one from the United Kingdom and seven from China. Its primary focus is on promoting entrepreneurship with special emphasis on the new and emerging technologies.
The university started functioning about four years ago and presently has about 3700 students in it. The strong emphasis on cultivating innovation and entrepreneurship led to the establishment of the PAF-IAST Technology Park and a Business Incubation Center (BIC). The Incubation Center has already nurtured 18 startups with support provided through mentorship and boot camps designed to foster business development. The startups have collectively generated a total of Rs148 million through grants, awards, and revenue.
The emphasis on entrepreneurship was enhanced through practical bootcamps, as the Institute seeks to cultivate an entrepreneurial mindset at all academic levels. Every student is required to spend 500 working hours in industry and the students and faculty have already won many national and international awards for their entrepreneurial activities, although the university is only four years old.
For example the ‘Sabzland Initiative’ was awarded the Social Entrepreneur of the Year2023by the BRICS and SCO Young Leaders in Kazan Russia. Edversity was ranked as the top EdTech Startupof 2023, and presented this prestigious Award by the President of Pakistan. Ecozindagi won the Prime Ministers National Innovation Award 2023 with a grant of Rs5 million. In its four-year existence, Pak-Austria Fachhochschule is blazing a historic trail for other universities to follow.
A major emphasis of Pak-Austria Fachhochschule is on developing a world class research center on artificial intelligence with support of over a billion rupees for the Ministry of IT and Telecommunications. Artificial intelligence (AI) and machine learning have already transformed industries globally, and Pakistan stands to benefit significantly from their application. AI-driven solutions can revolutionize the country’s education system, addressing gaps in rural and underdeveloped areas.
The example of Google highlights the immense impact of AI technologies on both economic growth and technological innovation. Google’s AI-powered tools, including Google Assistant and DeepMind, have redefined industries and created significant economic opportunities in the United States. In the agriculture sector, AI-powered precision farming presents opportunities for Pakistan to improve productivity and food security. By providing farmers with real-time data on soil health, weather patterns, and pest control, AI can optimize farming practices, increase crop yields, and minimize waste.
Besides artificial intelligence, other emerging technologies in the field of information technology such as robotics, and in other fields such as biotechnology, and advanced agriculture, present transformative opportunities that could redefine Pakistan’s future. The first IT policy was formulated under my supervision when I was the federal minister of science and technology during 2001. It had a huge transformative impact on the IT and telecom sector.
Pakistan can now build on it by investing in 5G and 6G telecommunications. The introduction of 5G and 6G can bring high-speed, low-latency connectivity that enables new applications such as smart cities, advanced agricultural systems, and improved internet access.
By expanding 5G/6G infrastructure, Pakistan can bridge the digital divide, particularly in rural areas, and empower millions of young people to participate in the global digital economy. Companies like Huawei in China and Ericsson in Sweden have demonstrated the transformative potential of 5G technology, enabling the development of smart cities and creating new economic opportunities. By following their example, Pakistan can modernise its infrastructure, improve service delivery, and enhance the lives of its citizens.
Pakistan’s wealth of natural resources, including coal, copper, gold, and rare earth minerals, presents significant opportunities for economic development. By integrating AI, robotics, and blockchain into mineral extraction and processing, Pakistan can enhance the efficiency of its mining sector, reduce environmental impact, and ensure transparency in supply chains.
Therefore the Pak Austrian Fachhochschule is in the process of establishing a Centre of Excellence in the field of mineral extraction and processing in close collaboration with the Chinese University of Minerals and Mining so that we do not dispose of our precious mineral resources to foreign buyers at dirt-level prices. The example of Rio Tinto, a global leader in mineral extraction that has used AI and automation to improve productivity, provides a valuable lesson for Pakistan.
Biotechnology and advanced agriculture are two other fields where emerging technologies can have a profound impact on Pakistan’s economy. Advances in biotechnology, such as genetic engineering and precision medicine, can improve healthcare outcomes and address food security.
By developing genetically modified crops that are more resilient to pests and climate changes, Pakistan can boost its agricultural productivity and ensure sustainable food supplies. I had established the Jamil-ur Rahman Centre for Genomics Research within the University of Karachi from a personal donation in the name of my father that can serve as an ideal platform for such initiatives.
For Pakistan to fully realise the potential of these emerging technologies, fostering a culture of innovation and entrepreneurship is essential. Encouraging the development of tech startups, creating technology parks, and supporting public-private partnerships will be crucial to building the infrastructure needed for innovation to thrive.
In Africa, Naspers has played a significant role in fostering innovation through investments in startups across various sectors, driving economic growth in countries like Nigeria and Kenya. Pakistan can take inspiration from such models by supporting its young entrepreneurs, particularly in fields like fintech, health tech, and agricultural technology, where local solutions can address pressing challenges.
The answer to our woes lies in quality education, science, technology and innovation. To embark on this path we need an honest, competent and efficient technocrat system of government that can change tracks and launch Pakistan on a technology-driven knowledinnovationge economy. This must be backed by a strong and independent judicial system that can root out mega corruption through capital punishment.
CHG-SCO Summit: Bolstering Pakistan’s image
By: Dr Zafar Nawaz Jaspal | October 22, 2024
PAKISTAN hosted the 23rd meeting of the Council of the Heads of Government (CHG) of the SCO Member States last week. The summit proceedings manifest that SCO has evolved into an important multilateral forum aiming at non-traditional security challenges and distancing from military bloc politics. Nevertheless, the members expressed their strong opposition to the sanctions levied against states, including various members of the Organization by the United States. Besides, they endorsed the significance of China’s Belt and Road Initiative for global economic prosperity and contemplated de-dollarizing the trade among the member states.
The two-decade United States-led war on terrorism had ruptured Pakistan’s image as an internally secure state. It generated an impression of the country’s incapability to host a mega multilateral event like the SCO summit. Previously, it convened crucial international gatherings, i.e., the OIC Special Summit in 1997. Hence, the recent SCO summit has raised the stature of Pakistan in the community of nations. The participation of eight prime ministers and other delegates reinforced Pakistan’s role in regional geopolitics and exhibited its vitality in regional connectivity for economic and trade cooperation. For instance, the attendance of the representatives from international organizations, such as the Conference on Interaction and Confidence Building Measures in Asia, the Commonwealth of Independent States, and the European Economic Community, underlines the host country’s significance for regional connectivity and economic stability.
Prime Minister Muhammad Shehbaz Sharif, as the summit chair, emphasized the objective of the 23rd SCO meeting—”Strengthening Multilateral Dialogue; Striving towards a sustainable peace and Prosperity.” It is grounded on the Shanghai Spirit—mutual trust, mutual benefit, equality, consultation, respect for the diversity of civilizations, and pursuit of joint development. He advocated economic cooperation, regional stability, and climate change. Premier said, “Together, we have the potential to drive socio-economic progress, enhance regional peace and stability, and improve the quality of life for our citizens.” He sounds spot-on while highlighting opportunities for cooperation in the transportation and energy sectors within the region. If the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI), CASA-1000, and Iran-Pakistan gas pipeline projects were operationalized, India and Pakistan’s energy problems could be resolved.
International institutions, including the United Nations, report the increasing sanctuaries of the various transnational terrorist syndicates, including al-Qaeda, in Afghanistan. The primary objective of the Organization is spelled out in Article 1. According to it, the SCO members necessitate joint counteraction against terrorism, separatism, and extremism in all their manifestations. These three evils are immensely destabilizing Pakistan’s internal security and economic stability. The BLA and TTP have targeted Chinese nationals in Pakistan to spoil the work of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor. While discussing regional security, Premier Shehbaz drew the attention of the participants towards the Afghanistan situation. He stressed the need to prevent the use of Afghanistan soil for terrorism, calling for international attention to humanitarian assistance in the country. He said, “Afghanistan plays a crucial role in regional stability, but terrorism from Afghan soil must stop.” In this context, the Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS) under SCO would be very useful for Pakistan in combating the menace of transnational terrorism. Islamabad can learn the best combating terrorism practices from the SCO members and also share its own experiences with the other members.
India has adopted a balancing strategy, i.e., to remain within the framework of the SCO and cultivate its relations with the United States-led world. Currently, the Indo-US strategic partnership has evolved into a threshold alliance. India’s strategic competition with China and rivalry with Pakistan have checked its domineering role in SCO affairs. However, it participates in the meetings of the organizations to demonstrate its autonomy in global politics and covertly malign Pakistan. India’s External Minister Jaishankar’s attitude and speech at the forum indicated New Delhi’s malice against Islamabad. The SCO-CHG summit allowed the participants to conduct bilateral meetings to deliberate on issues of mutual interest. Premier Shehbaz did bilateral meetings with his counterparts on the summit’s sidelines. However, India’s External Minister Jaishankar and Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Dar did not avail the opportunity to meet on the sidelines of the SCO summit to end the diplomatic deadlock and recalibrate India-Pakistan diplomatic relations. The SCO has gradually emerged as an essential Eurasian multilateral organization. Hosting the 23rd CHG-SCO summit in Islamabad has provided Pakistan with an opportunity to quash maligning propaganda against it and pursue its geopolitical objectives in the Eurasian region.
The SCO and what it entails
By: Waqar Hassan | October 22, 2024
COOPERATION and integration among regional countries have always been essential for prosperity. Europe’s prosperity is mainly attributed to European countries putting aside their conflicts and focusing on mutual growth, leading to the creation of the European Union. The people of Europe have been benefiting socially, politically and economically from this union. Eurasian region has yet to establish a regional set-up that enables all nations to benefit from collaboration, despite the potential for a regional alliance. The Shanghai Cooperation Organization offers member states a great opportunity to establish a beneficial mechanism. SCO members are part of a regional framework that fosters economic growth, combats terrorism and encourages cooperation to reduce reliance on external countries. The benefits of reinforcing the pillars of SCO are beyond imagination.
The Shanghai Cooperation Organization, with 80 percent of the Eurasian landmass and 40 percent of the world’s population, holds the largest regional cooperation globally. The SCO’s control encompasses 20% of the GDP, 20% of the world’s oil reserves and 44% of natural gas. “The leaders seated at this negotiation table are representatives of half of humanity,” as stated by the former president of Kazakhstan. This emphasizes the colossal significance of this organization. The SCO serves as a key foundation for maximizing the gains from joint anti-terrorism initiatives undertaken by its members. Creating the Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS) is an essential measure to ensure that terrorists are unable to exploit any opportunities to carry out their harmful intentions. Over the last few decades, the Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS) has achieved encouraging results by successfully countering various terrorist threats in the region. The SCO’s objective is to enhance energy cooperation among its members for state energy security. The SCO Energy club was founded in 2013 within this context. The CARs, with their vast oil and gas reserves, can be a major source of energy relief for member states. This collaboration is obligatory as it will result in cost-effective energy for member states and have a positive impact on their economies. SCO holds immense potential for regional connectivity development. By facilitating regional connectivity, member states can strengthen trade links and foster social bonds, essential for promoting regional integration and achieving collective prosperity. The goal of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization is to strengthen relationships and promote cooperation among member states.
The West understands the great importance of SCO. China, Russia, Pakistan and India, the key states in the SCO, are of great importance. Together, these states can revolutionize the global power dynamics. Yet, there are specific obstacles that require urgent attention for SCO to reach its full potential. Regional integration necessitates tolerance among residing states. Tolerance provides room for states to find solutions to conflicts. The organization’s full potential is hindered by the deep-rooted conflicts among a few SCO members. The territorial conflicts between China and India and India and Pakistan, pose obstacles to collaboration across all sectors within the SCO. Resolving these conflicts is crucial for SCO to become a major regional organization. Furthermore, the SCO member states are limited in their ability to fully engage Iran due to international sanctions.
The integration of Iran with SCO members will bring benefits to all states due to its oil and gas reserves. The goals of this organization are hindered by the security dilemma in Afghanistan. The constant terrorism risks from Afghanistan hinder SCO’s expansion in the region. Furthermore, the SCO states need substantial investment to overcome the geographical barriers and establish connectivity. Connecting with CARs for trade and energy cooperation demands significant capital investment, which restricts member states from connecting. Furthermore, the presence of global bloc politics limits SCO member states from fully cooperating. International lobbying prevents SCO members from resolving their insecurities about other member states.
The Shanghai Cooperation Organization has the potential to become the world’s most influential organization, but only if member states understand that regional prosperity requires sacrificing personal interests for the collective good. It is important for SCO member states to refrain from practicing bloc politics in the international arena as it does not benefit this region. The SCO members seek to bring maximum benefits to the region’s people through harmony, not an alliance against the world. By collaborating on education, SCO states can become a global hub for intellect and technology. Economic cooperation within the SCO would enable member nations to break free from their dependence on international players. Member states can better handle their global relationships and maintain their integrity by reducing the impact of international donors after acquiring economic cooperation.
Through a collective and trusted integration program, SCO members can effectively counter non-state actors and ensure peace across the region and states. Through mutual trade agreements, the SCO can enhance its influence in the international trade system and provide member states with greater leverage in global markets. SCO member states need to move past their deep-seated issues for a more prosperous future, akin to what European nations accomplished in the past. The recent SCO summit in Pakistan highlights Pakistan’s paramount importance in this setup and the intention of member states to strengthen the bond among SCO members. Through efficient resolution of conflicts, promotion of sustainable development and fostering regional integration, SCO can outperform any other regional organization. To achieve their desired objectives, the leaders of SCO states must foster this vision with wholehearted commitment and dedication. Failing to seize this opportunity would be tantamount to criminal neglect of future generations.
Smog — Pakistan’s Climatic Chernobyl
By: Abid Latif Sindhu | October 22, 2024
Is this the Kafkaesque era or Manto’s time when shared anxieties and alienations are being manifested by Anthropocene shenanigans. This seems to be the story of Rapunzel and the prince. Carried away in the high prison without a ladder to climb and a door to enter, Rapunzel magic hairs cut, and prince blinded after the fall from the tower by the sorceress.
The climate change is the modern-day sorceress of the tower, with, Rapunzel and prince the modern-day denizens of every city and the country of the world. In every mythology of the world (Chinese, Indian and Greek) there is goddess of wind, air and rain. Twenty-first century climate change is a far more complex phenomenon which can’t be solved by invoking mythological characters.
Common man is the hero and the villain of this new emerging story. Climate story of Pakistan is very interesting, less than one percent contributor is in the top ten worst hit countries of the world. But due to the total lack of awareness in masses and inept functionaries, Pakistan’s local climate priorities are resulting in loss and damages in the complete spectrum of climate wheel, if one may call it.
Climate has two facets, one is formed in oceans in the shadows of AMOC, La-Nina and al- Nino etc. Stewarded through troposphere, stratosphere and beyond. The earth’s gravity and rotation off course give the right tilt and the angle to this miracle which keeps life going since millions of years. There are three poles, north pole, south pole and the Himalayas where almost all the fresh water of the world is kept by the nature.
The second facet is very local in nature, everyone at this level is a contributor to the climate vows. Over three thousand glaciers have melted, crops are failing, quality of soil is being degraded, even Pakistan, a land of rivers is fast moving towards water scarcity. The understory of Punjab and Sindh is almost destroyed. Baluchistan range land under severe stress with failing kareez and KP facing the population explosion with diminishing resources.
Every two hours a species becomes extinct, bio-diversity collapse is just around the corner. The cities are eye soars of garbage dumps, municipal machinery unable to dispose. Arsenic poisoning is getting so common that it is almost becoming pandemic. There is no air to breath in all the major cities of Pakistan, just a degree of smog with some PM value. Forty percent children are stunted at the land of five rivers which was a food granary to the world for last three thousand years.
Rapunzel of Chenab and prince of Ravi are drowning in their own inaction. less than one percent is hundred percent for a country which is situated and located at the most ecologically sensitive zone of the earth. In most simple terms climate is all about, air, water and land. To decipher, this piece will focus on air with the rest two to follow. In Greek mythology the CHAOS was the goddess of all the air between heaven and earth. The quality of air and its cleanliness is also the basic right of every human, it being the global common at one end and the local resource at the other.
The circulation is the basic phenomenon which keeps this resource heathy for human use. The wind patterns and corridors are responsible for local circulation again at global level, the oceans and troposphere/stratosphere are the origins. If it may be called, the local atmosphere is the responsibility of state and the citizens. Pakistan’s biggest localized climate problem is smog.
There are two types of smog, Los Angeles smog and London smog (famous 1952 events). Los Angeles smog is a photochemical phenomenon caused by vehicle emission and has its origin in nitrogen oxides. The London smog is due to the burning of coal, crop residue and biochar. It produces Sulphur dioxide. Usually, countries are suffering from either of the smog, Beijing is an example. Ironically Punjab and particularly Lahore is suffering from both Los Angeles and London smog simultaneously.
The coal burning in 200 power generation plants in India, especially Indian Punjab is playing havoc. The 1100-coal power producing plants of China is giving some of the black carbon to northern areas, resulting in the melting of glaciers. What all is there in smog. It is all chemistry gone wrong. A diabolic mix of GHG (greenhouse gases). CO2, CH4 ,N2O,CO,SO2,VOC(volatile organic compounds), PM10 and PM2.5(particulate matter). A cocktail and chicken soup of the poisonous concoction. The nitrogen dioxide when reacts with sunlight and its UV spectrum converts into nitrogen oxide and ground level ozone.
This ground level ozone is the bane of Lahore causing lungs and cardiovascular diseases due to enhanced oxidation under ozone. Smog decrease crop yield due to necrosis and chlorosis in plant stem. As per the estimate around 30% crops will be affected yearly if the trend continues. The soil is also immensely degraded by Sulphur dioxide and nitrogen dioxide as contained in smog.
This causes acidification of soil, altering the PH value, thereby resulting in a vicious cycle of putting more nitrogen base fertilizers by the farmer, hence more acidification, smog and ground ozone and this goes on and on. The other reason of Lahore suffering the most is due to sort of anti-cyclone and inversion, when all the wind stops. Smog in Punjab is the repetitive tale of three cities. The inner circle most affected is Faisalabad, Gujranwala and Lahore. Then is Multan, Bahawalpur and Rahimyar khan. Even Islamabad, Peshawar and valley in between are also the part of same tale. Who will fight this war, the baboos, the policy makers or the foreign experts who will give western theories to the problems of the east?
Smog of Lahore has now become an international crisis requiring climate diplomacy between India, Pakistan and China along all other regional players. Lahore smog like Los Angeles and London smog is the third international phenomenon. It is taking over complete Pakistan. This has gone far beyond the panacea of artificial rain or small steps of environmental play book. There is a need to devise a strategic plan covering every aspect to be corrected and remember, these are not just few but an infinite chain which ends with the sorceress at the lone tower of climate change.
The Cost to Pakistan’s Students
By: Afia Farooki| October 22, 2024
Imagine that you have to learn in an environment with absent teachers, no classrooms or electricity, and upwards of 90-degree heat: this is the reality of around 40% of government schools in Punjab – according to the 2007 Learning and Educational Achievements in Punjab Schools (LEAPS) study by Tahir Andrabi, Jishnu Das, Asim Ijaz Khwaja, Tara Vishwanath, and Tristan Zajonc.
Consider being a teacher who is constantly overworked, unable to provide your students with your full attention. The learning environment these circumstances produce makes it difficult for children to stay in school and absorb what they are being taught.
Pakistan has consistently been among the lowest literacy rates of countries in South Asia, but contrary to what the condition of many government schools indicates the government has twice the funds allocated towards education compared to private schools, while the average private school produces much better test results. The aforementioned LEAPS study states the median government school expenses per child is Rs.2039, while the annual median private school tuition for one child is only Rs.1012. These figures have likely increased due to inflation, but the overall trend is the same.
Many children are not learning in school. When the students of all schools in sample villages of a LEAPS study were given the same test, the worst government school scored 84/850, while the worst private school scored 351/850. The best government school scored 845 and the best private school scored 850. It is evident that there is a large difference in the quality of a student’s education depending on which schools are available for them. Both sectors have the potential to produce good results but until now, there hasn’t been much research delving into the root causes of poor grades.
One area of improvement for the government sector is the incentivization of teachers. In a study conducted in the LEAPS report, student test scores improved upwards of 125 points due to government teachers improving principles of accountability and effort – through in-depth teacher training programs – into lessons that private school teachers prioritize. In private schools, a teacher who is absent five days per month is paid 5% less and in government schools the same teacher is paid 3% more.
Because there are no repercussions for government school teachers regarding absence they are not motivated to be present. It was also found that private school teachers whose students perform well earn more. However, it is important to take into account that teaching responsibilities are often not the only responsibilities teachers in government schools face. According to LEAPS, one sample village had only one teacher working in an entire school where there are a maximum of two teachers employed. In addition to teaching, these teachers have election duty, meetings with Deputy District Education officers (DEO) or they are called in for examinations duty, and sometimes for government surveys.
Additionally, it is harder for government teachers to get to work because they are frequently transferred to schools where they are needed the most, not accounting for distance. Another area of improvement regarding teacher hiring is hiring based on student performance and principles of accountability when it comes to teacher attendance and whether students are absorbing the information they are taught. The government hires based on qualification, meaning university education is standard. Private schools, however, prioritize hiring local teachers who demonstrate principles of dedication.
Furthermore, hiring more teachers can be a solution to overcrowding in government schools. Less teacher responsibility allows for individual student needs and attention to be met because it decreases the workload of a teacher. Low school quality decreases student enrollment: if a student isn’t performing well, their parents will be less inclined to keep them in school.
According to LEAPS, children who are perceived as less intelligent by their parents are largely enrolled in government schools that don’t have sufficient resources, leading to a lower quality education and less knowledge obtained. On the surface it may seem like school would be a waste of time for a child performing badly when in reality the problem could be the school they attend. For girls, the issue intensifies. They might have to go to the school closest to them or not be able to attend school at all because of safety concerns– regardless of whether the closest school is the best in their village.
It is evident that the Pakistani government has the money and resources available to create suitable learning environments for children, and their system looks good on paper–but in reality it doesn’t work. Fixing these discrepancies will improve the economy of Pakistan and help to reduce the wealth gap. Through thorough research and more attention to the education disparities, learning can become equal for all students.
Pakistan’s struggle for sovereignty
By: Syed Laique Haider | October 21, 2024
Since the creation of Pakistan in 1947, it has experienced a lot of threats to its sovereignty. Geographically, the country is surrounded by India in the south and east, Afghanistan in the north-west, Iran in the west, and China in the south, and thus occupies a very strategic position regionally and internationally.
Historically, the sovereignty of Pakistan has been threatened from outside, especially from the USA and the USSR during the Cold War. Making Pakistan join alliances with the USA, such as CENTO and SEATO, made it have enormous interference from the outside in terms of foreign policy.
The 1971 Liberation War of Bangladesh from Pakistan was a major setback to the sovereignty of the country. The reasons for the war were thus internal, almost civil strife, and external, with India mainly playing this role. The resulting mass withdrawal of Pakistani forces as well as the emergence of Bangladesh can also be viewed as manifestations of Pakistani territorial and sovereignty shrinkage. Balochistan and the Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA), now part of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa province, have posed serious issues that raise questions about the sovereignty of Pakistan. Baloch separatism caused constant unrest and conflicts. Few factors have altered Pakistan’s sovereignty and territorial integrity than its hosting militant organizations which have transformed into terrorist organizations like Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan.
Pakistan also started its nuclear programme against India, and this has also created so many concerns, also reigniting old ones. The relations between the USA and Pakistan have put much pressure on the nuclear policies of Pakistan, as a result of which Pakistan has faced many bans and restrictions over its nuclear policies. The Belt and Road Initiative, with its special focus on the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, has sparked fear about the sovereignty of Pakistan. Though the CPEC is capable of revolutionizing the Pakistani economy, it has introduced Chinese dominance in the Pakistani decision-making processes, both economically and politically.
Pakistan’s sovereignty too has been violated by regional and world powers, especially India and the USA. India is playing an increasing role in Afghan affairs and has been accused of backing militants against Pakistan. It can, however, be said that the US pivot-to-Asia policy also concerns the sovereignty of Pakistan. The USA has compromised the sovereignty of Pakistan through enhancing its military presence in the region and backing up India’s regional expansionism.
There is also a need for Pakistan to engage diplomatically in its unstable relations with two of its neighbouring countries, firstly India and secondly Afghanistan. In our case, it means that the enhancement of regional organizations, for example, the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), would foster regional stability and sovereignty and to echo these ideas, Pakistan’s foreign policy must uphold sovereignty and independence. Therefore, the country has to avoid forming alliances with any outside powers and instead encourage other regional partners to embrace peace.
Pakistan’s sovereignty has been threatened pretty actively since the time of the state being established. Solving these problems implies using a complex approach based on the internal consolidation, economic stability, and development of the economies of the South Asian countries. The international community must also respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Pakistan. Other big powers cannot intervene in Pakistani politics and rather should encourage policies that contribute to the formation of a healthy regional environment. It becomes evident that the sovereignty of Pakistan is essential to world and regional security. The sovereignty of Pakistan could be tested in the future on a number of occasions due to internal, regional, and international factors. The social constructs of geography, nuclear power, and animosity with its neighbors will also help to mold the sovereignty of the country.
The development of nationalist and extremist movements in Pakistan will also put the sovereignty of the country to test. These movements pose a great threat to the country as well as its solvency since they might bring about insecurity in the sovereignty. The country has to achieve economic independence by extending material base diversifications and industrializations. International and regional organizations like the SCO and the United Nations will also have vital roles in determining the sovereignty of Pakistan. In this respect, Pakistan needs to deal with all these institutions for the sake of regional integration and cooperation.
Democracy, the judiciary and civil-military relations must first be enhanced within the country to keep the internal systems responsive to people’s needs and wants. The government must concentrate on economic nationalism by diversification and industrialization in order to avoid over reliance on donor funds, grants and loans. It must help build regional cooperation institutions to include; the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), the South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation (SAARC) among others. Understanding must be built through exchanges of people and interchange of culture: cultural diplomacy for regional integration.
Therefore, in the long term, the sovereignty of the country is determined by its relations to regional and global powers. For this reason, the country needs to concentrate on internal consolidation, economic autarchy, and institutional cooperation in the region in order to be sovereign. Sovereignty and independence should be two guiding principles of Pakistan’s foreign policy. The country cannot have a foreign axis of moderation and must shift to supporting and fostering regional partnership and stability. The world also has to respect the sovereignty and territorial integrity of Pakistan, as acknowledged by the United Nations. It is clear that external actors must not impose their influence on Pakistan’s internal affairs but contribute to positivity in the region as well as harmony for cooperation.
In the near future, Pakistan’s sovereignty will involve India, Afghanistan, and other neighbouring states. The remaining issue of the Kashmir territory with India and the Taliban fight in Afghanistan will remain main concerns. The CPEC, again the BRI project, will also decide the sovereignty of Pakistan in days to come. Although CPEC can offer a great deal to the Pakistani economy, it has also created a great deal of controversy over the sovereignty of Pakistan.
Thus, Pakistan needs to follow a correct internal/external balance and economic dependency free strategy for its sovereign integrity. Enhancing its technological endowment especially in AI, cyber security and space technology so as to achieve technology self-sufficiency necessary in the current world.
Democracy, the judiciary and civil-military relations must first be enhanced within the country to keep the internal systems responsive to people’s needs and wants. The government must concentrate on economic nationalism by diversification and industrialization in order to avoid over reliance on donor funds, grants and loans. It must help build regional cooperation institutions to include; the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), the South Asian Association for Regional Co-operation (SAARC) among others. Understanding must be built through exchanges of people and interchange of culture: cultural diplomacy for regional integration.
Pakistan also faces the issue of rather challenging regional context, the nature of the relations with India, Afghanistan and China, in particular including the reunification Kashmir with Pakistan, we can bring the issue with the Indians into diplomatic negotiations through regional diplomatic relations, Promoting stability of Afghanistan through economic cooperation and building up an effective system of security and improving its geopolitical role through extending cooperation with China through CPEC and BRI. Such goals as initiating and participating in efforts for the promotion of peace and cooperation, and strengthening cooperation with the United Nations and other internationally oriented organizations and financial institutions.
Hence, for Pakistan, sovereignty and independence are cardinal points of reference for its foreign policy and refraining from entangling alliances and emergence as a regional cooperative power. The country also continues to face internal security threats such as terrorism and extremism to which the country needs to come up with effective countermeasures, collaboration with other regional countries, human development, education and health will guarantee quality human capital that is key to prosperous and independent economy.
The sovereignty of Pakistan is although important for stability of the region and security of the world. So by the adoption of these strategies Pakistan can continue to remain sovereign and more importantly remain very active in regional and global politics. To address future challenges, Pakistan must propel it to technical growth. The most important goal indigenous people would like to achieve is economic independence, building a solid regional structure, approach global institutions, encourage regional unity and peace. As I mentioned earlier, have sovereignty and independence as the main goal. If the above challenges are addressed, Pakistan would easily remain sovereign and continue to be influential politically, regionally, and globally.
Rethinking agriculture for economic revival
By: Humayun Akhtar Khan | October 21, 2024
In the last many weeks, I have written in these pages to share ideas for addressing the dire challenges faced by our economy.
The government of Pakistan has a choice: it could use this difficult moment to rethink and reform its approach to the economy or it could use the shot in the arm from new IMF loans to continue with business as usual. In the latter case, Pakistan risks going deeper into debt and dependency at the expense of citizen welfare and business progress.
This series of columns aims to offer a fresh approach to economic policy. Each week I focus on a key sector of the economy. A shift in policy is crucial.
Some facts about agriculture are well known. On the one hand, it has about a quarter share in the economy and employs 37 per cent of workers. On the other, despite the large subsidy of about 7.0 per cent of GDP, the sector suffers from low productivity and many inefficiencies.
Over the last decade, the government’s approach to economic management has been ad hoc, reacting to issues as they arise. Whether in agriculture, manufacturing, or IT, the focus has been on the short term instead of on long-term development. Thus, despite talk of a national policy on agriculture, we have yet to see a meaningful initiative.
Despite fiscal constraints, direct and indirect subsidy for agriculture is not meagre. World Bank estimates it to be about $2.5 billion per year. Yet, the amount has done little to make the sector competitive. Clearly, the government must reform its subsidy spending.
From its status as a ‘water stressed’ country, Pakistan has steadily moved to become water scarce – having less than 1,000 cubic metres of water per capita. In 2021, the IMF estimated that per capita supply of water in Pakistan was 1017 cubic metres. It was 1,500 in 2010 and is now estimated to be about 900 cubic metres per capita. Increase in storage is not possible in the near term. Pakistan must improve water productivity.
The World Bank estimates that Pakistan produces only 130 grams of crop per cubic meter of water. This contrasts with 300 grams for India and 800 for China. Outdated irrigation methods and government apathy waste precious water, and leaves farmers at the tail-end of canals dependent on tubewells. In turn, the use of tubewells has depleted groundwater. The old problems of water logging and salinity have worsened. The Abiana water charges is not enough for the upkeep of the irrigation system, leave alone upgrade it. Its modest rate does not encourage conservation.
As per the University of Agriculture, two main crops of wheat and rice use “76.27 MAF of water out of the 110 MAF available for irrigation”. A shift to ‘bed planting’, where crops grow on the ridges with water applied to furrows, could save fifty percent water. That is enough to cultivate millions of acres lying barren now. Low-cost credit should be available to fund the Rs50 billion needed to equip all tractors with bed planters.
The government should also promote high-efficiency irrigation systems and provide subsidies or financing to meet initial capital costs. It is possible to do so by reallocating subsidy. The government of Pakistan may shift its focus from help to farmers at the growing stage to such sustainable solutions. Once conservation begins, farmers may no longer need power subsidy for tubewells.
There is also good reason to begin discussion with large farmers on cost sharing for irrigation O&M. The government must build political consensus on reforms before launching the initiative. It is in the interest of all farmers, as the rapid fall in per capita water availability, coupled with growing urban demand, would soon affect all growers.
Climate change poses major risks to agriculture. As rain and melting seasons shift, farmers must learn to adapt to new conditions. The above recommendations for sustainable water management are one part of the solution. Higher investment in research is equally critical. Developing heat-tolerant crop varieties and adjusting planting seasons will help farmers manage changing conditions. Pakistan must also promote safe varieties of GMO and hybrid seeds. This needs strict quality control in seed distribution. Research institutes and PSQCA must develop and enforce protocols for seed quality enforcement.
There are many more research inputs that farmers need. They need updated climate data and soil assessments for better use of land and inputs. They must also have new tools to improve productivity. With advancements in drones, farmers can now apply seeds, fertilizer and pesticides more precisely, improving yield and reducing waste. Farmers also need help in optimal and balanced use of fertilizer and pesticide. Under present practices plants do not get the ideal mix of nutrients. Sharing knowledge about which fertilizer to use when could help with productivity. To export, they also need help with compliance with foreign SPS standards.
Estimates are that return on research spending can be as high as 100 per cent. In the present context of weak existing policies and many challenges to agriculture, research is especially critical. It is equally important for research to reach the farmers. Provinces have a wide network of extension services. They must ensure smooth coordination between research and extension for updated help to farmers.
Farm productivity would grow with more use of machinery. While tractor use is widespread, farmers do not have the right implements. They need them at all stages of the production cycle, from ploughing, sowing to grading. Better and targeted farm credit would increase use of machinery. With preferred credit and institutional support, the government may help set up service firms from whom farmers can rent modern machinery. Small farmers especially need this service. Once these firms are in the formal economy, banks would be ready to lend.
Credit to farmers from formal providers has grown but it is well below their needs. Agriculture has a 24 per cent share in GDP. Yet in FY23, it received 7.2 per cent of total disbursements and had 6.5 per cent of total credit outstanding. Of this amount, over 90 per cent loan was for production, to buy seeds or fertilizer, for example. About 9.0 per cent of the loans are for fixed investment, say in tractors or land development. Public investment in agriculture, along with all else, has been in decline for many years. The sector needs a major boost in public and private investment. It needs policy reforms so that investments go to areas that raise productivity the most.
In FY24, Pakistan imported $8.5 billion worth of farm goods. It imported 3.0 million tons of oil for $2.9 billion and 3.5 million tons of wheat for over $1 billion. Palm oil, which is high in saturated fat, was more than 95 per cent of imported oil. At the same time, we exported goods worth $7.4 billion, of which rice was $4 billion. Export of fruits, vegetables and meat have grown, though their total amount is small.
Experts are of the view that the government may review its excessive subsidy for wheat. Price support and public purchase of wheat discourages production of high value crops. However, food security is a critical priority for the country and the government must weigh pros and cons before revisiting the wheat subsidy.
Pakistan’s struggle with oilseed production is now forty years old. There is still no progress. Nor is there a serious plan to convert into action the research conducted at the University of Agriculture and the Ayub Institute. Export of meat, fruits and vegetables could grow with cold chain logistics and SPS compliance.
Pakistan has many natural advantages for it to become a major food exporter. Reforms in water sector, focus on research, more public investment and credit for farmers would generate higher growth and more jobs. As with all sectors of the economy, I urge the government to be proactive and innovative in its approach.
The New Frontline
By: Salman Javed | October 21, 2024
In recent years, a troubling rise in drug use has swept through Pakistani universities. What was once considered unthinkable has become more common, with social media and the dark web making it easier for students to access drugs. Dealers use encrypted messages and anonymous accounts to reach young people, often slipping through the cracks of law enforcement. Even delivery services like Bykea are being unknowingly drawn into this dangerous trade, bringing drugs directly to students’ doors. This growing issue is no longer limited to big cities—it’s spreading everywhere, putting the future of Pakistan’s youth at risk.
Pakistan’s drug problem is closely tied to its border with Afghanistan, a major global supplier of opiates. Despite Pakistan’s own poppy fields, Afghanistan dominates the trade, with traffickers using the rugged 2,611-kilometer border to smuggle drugs into Pakistan’s cities and villages. Since the Taliban’s return in 2021, Afghanistan’s drug trade has shifted. While the Taliban banned poppy cultivation and precursor chemicals, synthetic drug production, especially methamphetamine, has surged, as it evades satellite surveillance. This has led to a significant increase in methamphetamine seizures in Pakistan, reflecting the growing threat of synthetic drugs.
One of the most troubling aspects of this crisis is the involvement of foreign nationals, particularly Afghans. Since 2018, Pakistan’s Anti-Narcotics Force (ANF) has arrested 340 foreign nationals—184 of whom were Afghan—for their involvement in drug trafficking. The geopolitical complexities of the region, compounded by the ongoing refugee crisis and shared tribal affiliations across borders, have created a perfect storm for drug smuggling networks to thrive. Established smuggling routes, cultural ties, and linguistic similarities between Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Iran further enable these operations.
The Afghan Transit Trade Agreement (APTTA), designed to facilitate legitimate trade between Afghanistan and Pakistan, has been exploited for smuggling. Containers meant for transit often carry illegal drugs or precursor chemicals used in narcotics production. In one instance, a container destined for Afghanistan was seized at Karachi’s port and found to contain 9.5 million Alprazolam tablets. Incidents like this underscore the challenges Pakistan faces in controlling the misuse of APTTA for drug trafficking, highlighting the need for more robust monitoring mechanisms.
Perhaps the most dangerous element of this crisis is the nexus between drug trafficking and terrorism. The Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), in particular, benefits from this illicit trade, using drug money to finance terror operations. The Taliban’s rule in Afghanistan has further emboldened the TTP, with drug trafficking acting as a lifeline for both groups. This deadly combination of drugs and terrorism is most evident in the regions of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) and Balochistan, where drug cultivation and trafficking routes overlap with terrorism hotspots.
Recent attacks on ANF personnel during counter-narcotics operations illustrate the growing threat posed by this drug-terror connection. The rise in violence against law enforcement officials reflects the escalating risks faced by those attempting to dismantle these networks.
In parallel with the broader drug crisis, a troubling trend has emerged in university campuses: the intersection of drug use with the LGBTQ+ community and non-binary identities. Many students, seeking to rebel against societal norms or express their individuality, are increasingly glamorizing drug use as part of their personal identity. This shift, once confined to fringe subcultures, has begun permeating mainstream student life, making intervention even more complex.
In response to the alarming rise in drug use, Pakistan’s Anti-Narcotics Force (ANF) launched a nationwide crackdown. On September 9, 2024, after a five-year hiatus, the ANF held a press conference to announce a nationwide crackdown on drug use in educational institutions. With methamphetamine, hashish, and ice spreading among students, the ANF is working with government bodies to safeguard educational institutions. This campaign aims to dismantle narcotics networks in schools, colleges, and universities as part of a broader strategy to tackle the crisis.
In 2024 alone, the ANF seized 113,798 kg of drugs worth $6.5 billion, arrested 1,406 individuals, and destroyed 1,115 acres of poppy fields. Tragically, the ANF lost three soldiers during operations. They also rehabilitated over 2,000 patients and held 5,500 awareness sessions in schools. On September 12, the ANF launched a National Counter Narcotics Campaign, beginning with a sanitization drive at a Quetta university. This initiative includes campus clean-ups, security training, and student engagement to foster drug-free environments.
The growing prevalence of drug use among students reflects deep-rooted societal issues exacerbated by global drug trade dynamics. To combat this crisis, Pakistan needs a multi-pronged approach that tackles both local and international drug trafficking networks, strengthens border controls, and promotes education and rehabilitation. Above all, we must recognize that this issue is not just about statistics or policy but about the futures of young individuals whose lives hang in the balance.
Takeaways from Indian FM’s visit to Pakistan
By: Kamran Yousaf | October 21, 2024
Last week, Pakistan successfully hosted the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) meeting amid an unprecedented security lockdown in Islamabad. Security measures were necessary because just days before the SCO conference, two Chinese engineers had been killed in a terrorist attack in Karachi just outside the Jinnah International Airport. Given the geostrategic games and the presence of the Prime Ministers of China and Russia, the two powers that are challenging the US hegemony, authorities in Pakistan were taking no chances.
One of the highlights of the SCO conference was the visit of Indian Foreign Minister S Jaishankar, the first by any top diplomat from the neighbouring country in nine years. Naturally, all eyes were on him given the current state of relationship between the two countries. Relations have been so tense that Pakistani and Indian leaders don’t even shake hands in public. Against this backdrop, Jaishankar’s visit was being keenly followed. Although the Indian foreign minister had ruled out any bilateral engagement with Pakistan during the SCO meeting, the fact that he travelled to Islamabad despite tension was seen as a forward movement.
Yet, there was skepticism about the possibility of any breakthrough during his visit. It was because when former foreign minister Bilawal Bhutto Zardari visited Goa in May last year for the SCO Council of Foreign Ministers meeting, his visit aggravated the already tense ties. Both sides traded blame in their speeches. The Indian Foreign Minister used the kind of language against Bilawal and Pakistan that was even found undiplomatic by Indian journalists and commentators. Hence, the major challenge for both sides was to ensure that the visit of the Indian Foreign Minister went without any hiccup or mishap we saw in Goa.
Hours after landing at the Noor Khan Airbase in Islamabad, the Indian Foreign Minister was invited to a dinner hosted by Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif in the honour of SCO delegates. When Jaishankar arrived at the PM House, Shehbaz received him and both shook hands, the first public handshake since 2017. The body language of both the leaders was a bit shaky – not surprisingly though, as only a few days ago, the two leaders had lashed out at each other at the UN General Assembly session in New York. During the dinner, Jaishankar had a pull-aside with his Pakistani counterpart, Ishaq Dar. They were also joined by Interior Minister Mohsin Naqvi. The conversation, according to sources, lasted around 7 minutes. While there was no certain word on what was discussed there, but certainly there was a departure from the previous positions that both sides held, as they had avoided such informal meetings in multilateral forums.
The impact of the informal meeting was visible the next morning when Jaishankar arrived at the Jinnah Convention Centre for the SCO meeting. He was received again by PM Shehbaz and this time the handshake was far more relaxed and pleasant. The next big test was the speeches the two leaders were to deliver. Often Pakistan and Indian leaders used such forums to accuse each other. PM Shehbaz, as the host of the conference, opened the forum and did not mention India or Kashmir in his speech. When Jaishankar took the podium, he also avoided directly pointing a finger at Pakistan. By that time it was clear that both sides were trying to lower the rhetoric. The discreet messaging during the conference led to a seating arrangement that allowed Indian Foreign Minister Jaishankar to sit alongside Deputy Prime Minister and Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar during the luncheon hosted for the SCO delegates.
According to officials, both sides had to do a lot of management in order to avoid any unpleasant situation during Jaishankar’s visit. The tweet by the Indian FM before leaving Islamabad thanking Pakistan for “hospitality and courtesies” suggested that those efforts paid dividends. But the question is: will the positive momentum created during Jaishankar’s visit to Islamabad lead to any rapprochement?
Shehbaz ups Pak progressive image
By: Hameed Shaheen Alvi | October 18, 2024
PRIME Minister Shehbaz Sharif’s SCO summit inaugural address, Oct 16, 2024, covering all geo-econo-politico-environmental imperatives constitute a timely powerful call to the SCO forum partners to inject added verve into the all-agreed SCO agenda of action; PM’s address indeed raises Pakistan’s meaningful international image as a nation committed to peace, security, friendliness, innovation-and-cooperation-ready country; his call to international community to help stabilize Afghanistan’s economic position, highlighting Afghanistan’s geo-status as regional trade and connectivity hub needs to be thankfully acknowledged by the Kabul government.
Afghanistan itself did not attend the SCO meet but has found in PM Shehbaz’s cooperative call a powerful sympathizer and helpful contributor towards the needs of that much crises-afflicted country, immediate neighbour of Pakistan, Iran and Central Asia. I think Afghan govt should heartfully own the debt of liberal gratitude from Pakistan.
Global geo-preferences are being recast at the international level; constraints are being rewoven from 100 pc political mindedness; the world is moving towards economic vibrancy as need of the hour as well as of a confident future. Pakistan must be noting this newest trend and push; Afghan crises had contributed worst woes to the state and people of Pakistan being Afghanistan’s contiguity neighbour; Pakistan hosted millions of displaced Afghans despite bearing own economic pressures; even today Afghans are liberal beneficiaries of Pakistan’s fraternal hospitality; this liberality must reflect in the policies and priorities of the Kabul government; Pakistan-Afghans brotherliness must be upped by every bilateral regional action.
There are still much lessons for Pakistan to learn; to my view prime priority for Pakistan’s brighter future is in improving regional neighbourliness; nations whose neighbourhoods are tension-free court progress across all directions confidently and unchecked by any human delivered calamity; domestic calmness is absolute urgency for letting in external investments; almost all sectors of national economy of Pakistan need investments from pro-Pakistan international aid agencies and capitals; common sense repeats the fact time and again that electricity is the soul and spirit of industrial viability and growth; unfortunately power sector stands mismanaged to the detriment of Pakistan’s economic health.
This fact – ill managed power sector -has also been highlighted in its latest report by the World Bank. Question arises, why do we fail at every critical moment to rectify our own internal kitchenette cutlery? IPPs inducted in the year 1992 and 1994 in Pakistan played havoc with the industrial and domestic life of Pakistan; now they are blackmailing the state of Pakistan to enter into international arbitration if any changes with their fleecing status is effected in Pakistan; straight question! what Pakistan gained from such IPPs, not pro-Pakistan? Who is inevitably most important state of Pakistan or IPPs? Crookedness must be corrected sooner than later.
SCO Summit boosts Pak diplomacy
By: Gulab Umid | October 18, 2024
THE SCO Summit held in Islamabad on October 15, 2024, stands as a significant milestone for Pakistan on the global stage. While Pakistan has hosted several high-profile international conferences, including the Islamic Summit Conferences of 1974 and 1997 and regional events like SAARC and ECO, the SCO gathering represents an unprecedented moment, drawing together both Muslim and non-Muslim nations under one umbrella. This summit presents Pakistan with a unique opportunity to project its positive image to the world, yet the global media’s attention to this momentous event appears somewhat muted. The SCO Summit can be examined from two primary perspectives. First, the organization itself operates under a well-defined agenda and charter, focusing on a wide range of objectives, from counterterrorism under the Regional Anti-Terrorist Structure (RATS) to economic cooperation. Like other major international blocs such as the G7, G20, QUAD, and NATO, the SCO holds immense importance on the global stage. It covers 65% of Eurasia’s landmass and represents over 40% of the world’s population. Yet, despite its global significance, the enduring tensions between member states – Pakistan and India – cast a shadow over the unity and effectiveness of this organization. Nonetheless, for Pakistan, the summit offers more than just an opportunity to further the SCO’s goals—it provides a platform for high-level bilateral engagements with key global leaders.
Among the most critical diplomatic meetings is between Pakistan’s leadership and China’s Premier Li Qiang, whose visit to Pakistan extends beyond mere participation in the SCO Summit. Li’s trip is officially recognized as a bilateral visit, reflecting the ever-deepening strategic ties between Islamabad and Beijing. On the very day of his arrival, Premier Li’s schedule included several bilateral meetings that underscored the strength of Sino-Pakistani relations. His presence sends a resounding message to the world: that China and Pakistan’s relationship remains unshakable and no terrorist activity can derail their shared objectives. One of the key outcomes of Premier Li’s visit was the exchange of documents from the 7th Joint Working Group meeting on the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), focusing particularly on Gwadar. With Gwadar at the heart of CPEC, the future looks bright, especially with the further development of the Karakoram Highway and discussions surrounding the completion of the M8 motorway—critical infrastructure that will facilitate large-scale trade between China and Pakistan. In a significant symbolic gesture, the prime ministers of both countries virtually inaugurated the Gwadar International Airport, marking a major milestone in the operationalization of Gwadar as a vital trade hub. The successful launch of the airport signals that Gwadar’s role in regional trade is poised to expand further, bringing prosperity not only to Pakistan but to the region at large.
Beyond infrastructure, Pakistan and China also signed agreements spanning various sectors, from establishing joint laboratories to introducing smart classrooms, addressing food security challenges and boosting human resource development. A Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on currency exchange between the State Bank of Pakistan and the People’s Bank of China was also signed to ease business cooperation, symbolizing the expanding scope of economic integration between the two countries. Additionally, Pakistan’s leadership seized the opportunity to discuss key economic and strategic matters, such as Independent Power Producers (IPPs), the Chashma Nuclear Plant and the establishment of economic zones. These discussions reaffirm Pakistan’s robust economic and strategic partnership with China. Meanwhile, the arrival of Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin at the summit highlighted the growing importance of Pakistan-Russia relations. Just a few months earlier, Russia’s Deputy Prime Minister had visited Pakistan and the two nations recently signed a historic barter trade agreement. This newfound economic partnership traces its roots back to the thaw in relations initiated by the then Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif’s groundbreaking visit to Russia in 1999, which paved the way for enhanced defense cooperation, including Pakistan’s acquisition of Mi-35 helicopters in 2015. Under the current government of Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, efforts are underway to procure additional military hardware from Russia, and there is growing Russian interest in either reviving Pakistan Steel Mills or setting up a new plant. This evolving partnership holds promise for Pakistan’s industrial development.
On a broader regional level, the SCO Summit also facilitated interactions with Central Asian leaders, underscoring the strategic importance of connecting Pakistan with the energy-rich states of Central Asia. Notable among these is the CASA-1000 energy project which aims to bring electricity from Central Asia to Pakistan. In fact, the Iranian Vice President’s participation in the summit was of particular significance. His separate meetings with Pakistani officials come at a time when the situation in Gaza remains volatile. Both Iran and Pakistan share a unified perspective on the Gaza issue, and there is a growing fear that the violence could escalate into a wider regional conflict, further destabilizing the Middle East. The SCO Summit in Islamabad was, without question, a historic moment for Pakistan, offering a platform for forging new partnerships and strengthening existing ones. It has allowed Pakistan to demonstrate its geopolitical significance, not only within the SCO but also on the broader international stage. With China and Russia showing increasing interest in deepening their ties with Pakistan and Central Asian states seeking closer cooperation, this summit marked a pivotal moment in Pakistan’s foreign relations. However, the challenge now is for Pakistan to capitalize on these opportunities, ensuring that the world recognizes the significance of this event and that the relationships forged here translate into tangible benefits for the nation and the region at large.
Afghan Pakistan dilemma
By: Brig Tariq Khalil | October 18, 2024
THE Joint meeting between Russia, China, Iran, Pakistan on the sidelines of United Nation is a landmark meeting with a profound impact in the geostrategic milieu in future to counter terrorism. The series of attacks on Chinese and on security forces indicate the urgency. Afghan attitude towards Pakistan? Sabotage activities in Pakistan have increased manifold. There is no doubt there are home-grown elements on-board in these activities. The linkages go back down to Afghanistan and the terrorist organizations. The issue is complex and multi dimensional. The Afghan attitude and factors govern their attitude. The terrorists have safe havens in Afghanistan regardless of Afghan denials and commitments at Doha. Their victory both against USSR and USA could not have been possible without the Pakistan support. Beside major groups, like TTP, Daesh, Al-Qaeda there are almost sixty terrorist outfits worldwide with tentacles inside Afghanistan.
Pakistan’s younger generation feel frustrated the way Afghans behave towards Pakistan. The disillusionment is further compounded due to the confused attitude of Pakistan, the state policy and divergent voices in political parties, especially parties of the Right. The question is why Pakistan is keeping three million plus refugees while Afghan Taliban claim they are more stable as compared to Pakistan . Why the Afghan government’s behaviour is so hostile that they are not ready to accept their own nationals back home. The issue is complex. There are multiple dimensions in this attitude. Afghan refugee policy is subservient to multiple pressers both external as well as internal. They are source of earning for Afghan Government. The earning of Afghanis in Pakistan is repatriated to Afghanistan. It is a drain on Pakistan’s foreign Exchange as they buy it from black market pushing up demand. Spread all over the country they provide sleeping cells for the elements creating sabotage. There are political, ethnic and religious dimensions to support their stay. Afghan Intelligence, RAW, Mossad and even CIA has their foot prints among them. Ironically, our agencies consider they are their assets.
To judge Afghan approach is governed by three factors. First, Political and DNA of Afghans. It is unique in the world, majority has Y chromosol, with central European streak. The Indian steak is around 15 %. Second, most important is the lack of cohesion and divergence within tribes. There are four major identities, Pashtuns, Tajiks, Uzbeks and Hazara. Then there are various sub-tribes. An Afghan basically is an independent soul. He considers himself the superior race and not ready to accept subordinate role .For that Afghanistan has never been one country till Abdali managed to club them in a loose federation. Third, their bondage to traditions (RAWAIAT) also govern their behaviour. In 1947 Congress, in NWFP (KP) forced British for the referendum on the issue to join Pakistan or India under the Partition Act India. It was the will of the people of Frontier Region who opted to join Pakistan. Afghanistan was the only country who opposed Pakistan’s entry into the United Nations. Defeated the congress supporters instigated Pashtoon elements in Pakistan to raise Pashtunstan issue. They also started disclaiming the Durand line drawn after protracted negotiations between the British India and then legitimate Afghan government. Historically there were tribal fiefdoms ruled by the tribal leaders of different creed even languages. They normally remained at war amongst. It is a fact of history that Afghanistan’s major part has been under the sovereignty of the Indian rulers, be it the Mughals, Sikhs and later British .Even today different regions of Afghanistan are divergent in history, culture, customs and political orientations. These are the major causes of the failure of first Talban Government. They agree to disagree.
The communist revolution (SAUR Revolution) with the support of the Soviet Union was turning point. It was the beginning of turmoil in Afghanistan, and still continue. The Soviet anti Pakistan approach was well known. The war pushed million of refugees into Pakistan. Pakistan had no option under the Geneva Convention but to accommodate them. By the time. Martial Law in 1977, four hundred thousand refugees were in Pakistan, during Bhutto era. A marathon meeting lasting over 10 hours was held in Pindi under CMLA and President Zia to explore the implications for Pakistan. All possible scenarios were explored. Finally, a combined policy was adopted. Afghan Commissionerate was created under a Brigadier, Commissioner Afghan Refugees.
Inter Service Intelligence was given the task to formulate the type of support Pakistan could extend to Afghan people. Pakistan extended full support to the people of Afghanistan in their struggle against Soviet occupation without any international involvement for almost two years. There were only three choices. First. To accommodate the refugees. Two, send them back to fight, the third was to keep the families and the older lot and the able bodies were to go back to Afghanistan to fight the Soviet Union. The camps were set up for the elderly, the women and children. Eventually Pakistan became the host to almost 4 million Afghan refugees and consequent economic, social and military implications for Pakistan .In the initial meetings, foreign office was apprehensive. Agha Shai in early meetings held in Pindi, then Foreign Secretary, remarked when elephants fight the grass underneath is trampled. President Zia remarked , if they make love even then grass is trampled. It was then Agha Shahi was replaced and Sahib Zada Yaqub took over as Foreign Secretary.
In the early stages USA was not interested. Pakistan during Bhutto era and later under Zia singly supported the Afghans. During last year of President Carter (probably end of 1979) around 200 million defence and economic assistance was offered. It was rejected by Pakistan, terming it Peanuts. It became Buzz word at that time. Easy to criticize almost over forty years after the event whereas, the ground realities were very harsh and entirely different at that time.
Pakistan was prime factor in the defeat of Soviet Union. An acknowledged fact internationally. Pakistan’s policy was to deny war to spill into the Pakistani borders. Time has proved the wisdom of this policy. As the war in Afghanistan dragged on Soviet Union was defiant. In flak Pakistan suffered human and economic losses. Soviet Union prompted India to open second front. It was the induction of Stinger Missiles that altered the course of operation in Afghanistan. The cost of war became formidable for the Soviet Union. The signs of fatigue economically and socially were emerging thus, behind the scene talks commenced.
The negotiations initiated between the Soviet Union and the warring parties were assisted by Pakistan. It dragged on for many years. The Geneva accords were eventually signed. It facilitated the withdrawal of Soviet Union from Afghanistan after 10 years of disastrous defeat.
It is internationally acknowledged but for Pakistan’s army and its resilience to support the Mujahideen struggle in Afghanistan, there would not have been any victory. Russian defeat altered the geo strategic map of Eastern Europe and Central Asia. Afghan presently try to portray it was they who won singular victory, it is not so. President Zia was very clear that Geneva Accords be signed only, when a broad-based government agreement was agreed, consensus built to avoid inter Afghan faction’s civil war.
On becoming Prime Minister and lifting of Martial Law, Mr Jonejo ignored President Zia advice and commitment. In a hurry, purelyat the behest of other political leaders pressures and political opportunism, in a follow up to a round table conference of political parties, he signed the Geneva Accords. It was the main reason for the down fall of Mr Junejo.
The Mujahideen factions were not ready with the framework of the government to be installed after the withdrawal of Soviet Union. It resulted in infighting among Mujahideen factions. It took shapofs a civil war between various groups. It was disastrous and damaging not only for the Afghan infrastructure and the people of Afghanistan but also Pakistan where refugees continued to pour in. Consequent to civil war, Pakistan’s effort was during all this turmoil to bring in peace amongst the Afghans factions.
It was not so. It resulted in the creation of Taliban who rose from the Madrasas of Pakistan and eventually captured Kandahar. They later spread their operations throughout the Afghanistan. The victories were easy as warring factions and people were peace hungry. Eventually Kabul was captured to pave way for the Taliban Rule in Afghanistan till 9/11.
I have no hesitation in saying that Pakistan people and the government helped Afghan brethren in those dark days to establish a stable government. Pakistan was the first country to recognize. However, Pakistan was let down by the Taliban who never considered Pakistan’s request to ensure that Afghan soil is not used for the terrorist activities against Pakistan country. The 9/11 followed when all talks with Mullah Omar had failed from Pakistan side. Pakistan used its best efforts to ensure agreement between the United States and Mullah Omer but futile.
The twenty years war that followed engulfed millions of lives and innumerable problems for Pakistan. The war spilled over in to Pakistan after US operations. FATA space provided virtual creation of state in tribal area. It eventually necessitated full scale military operation of unprecedented ferocity to evict them.
In the light of legal status of Pakistan born refugees and others a comprehensive intelligence, operational and social based polices be framed. Pakistan born refugees will never go back, a political reality. Their management will be a major challenge. Diplomacy and firmness is key.
23rd meeting of SCO’s Heads of Government
By: Dr Muhammad Khan | October 18, 2024
PAKISTAN has magnificently conducted the 23rd Meeting of the Council of Heads of Government of Member States of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization on October 15-16, 2024 at Islamabad. It was a great event in the recent history of Pakistan and indeed a great test for the incumbent Government. The Government, the State, State’s institutions and specially the masses deserve compliments on this great achievement. This event has restored trust of the Pakistani state and it’s Government at international and regional level on many aspects. Upon successful conclusion of the Meeting, a Joint Communiqué, agreed upon by all member states, was issued. The joint communiqué stressed for pursuance of two significant aspects; a) the SCO’s initiative “On World Unity for a Just Peace, Harmony and Development” and b) the dialogue about “One Earth. One Family. One Future”.
World unity for a just peace, harmony and development is a joint proposal of the SCO member states for adaptation through a UN General Assembly Resolution. The basic idea behind this proposal is demand for establishment of international unity which is considered as a precursor for just peace and peace is essential for promotion of harmony among global society. All these aspects are essentially required for a collective development of international society including the nation states. This proposal must be presented and adopted by the UN General Assembly for the common good of the international community. The contemporary international community must take this proposal very seriously for the common benefit of every individual, irrespective of religion, region, caste or creed.
It is in line with the Islamic teachings of the Holy Quran and Sunnah. Besides, it is in line with what was agreed during the Peace Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. Peace and harmony is the most needed aspect of the contemporary world, since there are scores of conflicts going-on at the level of intra-state, inter-state and at regional and global level. Europe and America must understand this glaring requirement, since most of the conflicts originated because of power politics among major powers. Since Russia and China are the originators of this concept from the forum of SCO, therefore, the United States and major European states need to support the proposal.
The second aspect, “One Earth, One Family, One Future” is indeed a continuation of the first proposal. This idea is asking for the introduction of a new and most needed form of international relations, which should revolve around cooperation based on the common destiny of the entire world. Since all human beings inhabit the same earth, all are inter-dependent as one family, thus need to pursue a common future with optimism for peace, harmony and development. This idea has resemblance with the Chinese Belt and Road Initiative (BRI); the common destiny for all. This will be a new peace international agreement based on “mutual respect, justice, equality and mutually beneficial cooperation, as well as the formation of a common vision of the idea of creating a community of common destiny of mankind and the development of dialogue”.
On World Unity for Just Peace and Harmony, aims at strengthening confidence-building measures and maintaining stable development of all countries of the world. It is worth mentioning that at the time of international crises, this initiative from the SCO is a sincere attempt for ending the conflicts and promoting cooperation and peace. This initiative from the SCO forum will greatly help the world in understanding the true objectives of this organization (SCO) and its future roles towards international peace and harmony by ending the conflicts through hard power. It is worth mentioning that SCO member states have almost over 40% of the global population, 27 % of world’s GDP and about 80% of Eurasian landmass.
By virtue of its geopolitical location, Pakistan is in the vicinity of world’s major economies and emerging regional markets. Besides, it occupies a strategic location viz-a viz great powers and their strategic interests. Therefore, “Pakistan can utilize economic tools like trade, energy and investment, infrastructure development to further its geopolitical and geo-economic objectives in a befitting manner. For Pakistan, the SCO is the most vital cooperative forum. Through this forum, Pakistan can boost trade and commerce from the member states of SCO. Being an emerging security bloc against terrorism, SCO can greatly help Pakistan in reducing its traditional and non-traditional security threats.
SCO member states are fully cognizant of the contribution and sacrifices Pakistan has rendered for the global peace and security by combating terrorism in the first two decades of the 21st century. Besides, Pakistan desires that the SCO should play a decisive role towards resolution of the unresolved disputes like Jammu and Kashmir and Palestine. SCO is not a military alliance, yet it seeks to address major security threats in the region and establish a peaceful environment that boosts trade and cooperation among the member states. It offers an opportunity to deliberate on the pressing energy, trade and economy issues and take steps towards desired outcomes.
23rd Meeting of SCO’s Heads of Government, Pakistan mainly stressed to strengthen the existing SCO mechanisms while addressing global issues such as food security, climate change, international peace and counter-terrorism. Pakistan visualized SCO for galvanization of the Shanghai Spirit to strengthen the mandate of the forum while reducing the risks of conflict, fostering confidence and promoting stability. As a host member state for the 23rd Meeting of SCO’s Heads of Government, Pakistan earned a lot of respect and goodwill from the rest of SCO member states.
India-Canada Diplomatic Row
By: Malik Muhammad Ashraf | October 18, 2024
The diplomatic row between Canada and India, which began last year over the alleged killing of a Sikh leader by Indian agents, has intensified, with both countries expelling six diplomats, including the ambassadors, two days ago. Canadian police claimed they had evidence linking agents of the Indian government to serious criminal activity. Referring to the murder of Hardeep Singh Nijjar in Canada, Prime Minister Justin Trudeau publicly asserted that there were credible allegations connecting Indian intelligence services to the crime. Nijjar was a staunch advocate for the creation of a Sikh state, Khalistan, carved out of India.
It is worth noting that the United States had also accused India of a similar, albeit unsuccessful, assassination plot on US soil, though it handled the matter more quietly. In response to the mutual expulsion of diplomats by India and Canada, the US has called on India to take the Canadian allegations seriously, reiterating the need for India to cooperate with Canada in investigations—a step India has so far resisted, choosing an alternative path instead. The US response has been notably mild for what amounts to state terrorism by India, deserving the same level of condemnation the US has issued in similar cases involving other countries. This double standard has, in effect, emboldened India to continue such acts of state terrorism with impunity. Pakistan has also experienced similar assassinations by Indian agents. On January 24, 2024, former Foreign Secretary Muhammad Syrus Sajjad Qazi revealed in a media briefing that India had been involved in extra-territorial and extra-judicial killings within Pakistan, providing credible evidence of Indian agents’ links to the assassinations of two Pakistanis. He explained that these were killings-for-hire, involving a sophisticated international network spanning multiple jurisdictions. Indian agents used technology and foreign safe havens to carry out these assassinations, recruiting, financing, and supporting criminals, terrorists, and unsuspecting civilians to play specific roles in these murders.
Qazi’s claims were corroborated by a report in *The Guardian*, which stated that the Indian government had been responsible for around 20 killings in Pakistan since 2020. The newspaper based its report on interviews with Indian intelligence officials and documents shared by Pakistan, which indicated the involvement of Indian intelligence agency RAW in these attacks. India has also been involved in sponsoring terrorist activities within Pakistan, as confirmed by the capture of Kulbhushan Jadhav, a serving officer in the Indian Navy, on March 3, 2016, in Balochistan. Jadhav was sentenced to death by a military court after revealing his role in supporting the Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA) in terrorist activities in the province. These terrorist groups have been responsible for attacks on security forces and Chinese workers involved in CPEC projects in the region. India has also been implicated in supporting Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) in its attacks on Pakistan. It is worth mentioning that Pakistan compiled a dossier on India’s involvement in terrorism and presented it to key global capitals and the UN, yet there has been little serious concern expressed by the international community.
In June this year, Pakistani intelligence agencies arrested two high-ranking commanders of the TTP, including Maulvi Mansoor, in Balochistan. In his confessional statement, Mansoor revealed that Indian RAW was supporting both the TTP and BLA. He disclosed that he was responsible for the military, financial, and administrative operations of the banned group. RAW has pushed for collaboration between the TTP and BLA, aiming to establish bases in Balochistan to target Chinese citizens and sabotage CPEC projects, as well as to carry out kidnappings for ransom to discredit Pakistan’s intelligence agencies. Many missing persons, Mansoor claimed, were active in Afghanistan, with full backing from the Afghan government. Mansoor’s revelations underscore the nexus between these terrorist groups, RAW, and the Afghan government, and shed light on how enemies of Pakistan have exploited the issue of missing persons to discredit the country.
It is deeply regrettable that India has not only expanded its state terrorism beyond its borders but that the Modi government is employing similar tactics against its own minorities, particularly the Muslim community. The communal policies of the BJP have turned India into a majoritarian state, where lynchings of Muslims by Hindu extremists are common. Yet, we hear only muted responses from the international community, particularly from nations like the US, which loudly profess their commitment to human rights. For them, global politics, geo-strategic interests, and commercial considerations take precedence over humanitarian issues.
The decision by the BJP government to revoke the special status of Indian Illegally Occupied Jammu and Kashmir (IIOJ&K) by repealing Article 370 of the Indian Constitution and declaring it Indian territory was an affront to the conscience of the international community and the UN, which had passed resolutions calling for a plebiscite to determine the state’s accession. India has turned IIOJ&K into an open-air prison, with hundreds of Kashmiris losing their lives in search and cordon operations by Indian security forces. No country has openly condemned these actions or the human rights violations committed by Indian forces. Even the UN Security Council limited itself to reiterating that the solution to the dispute should be in accordance with the principles enshrined in the UN Charter and relevant resolutions.
Those who proclaim their humanitarian values from every convenient platform, particularly the US and its allies, need to re-examine their conscience and question their duplicity on such critical matters.
Politics of freebies
By: Farhan Bokhari | October 09, 2024
As Pakistan's political rivals intensely clash to demolish one another, the British prime minister's choice this month to return the cost of freebies he received earlier, must serve as a timely lesson for the country's ruling elite.
The equivalent of roughly $8,500 returned by Keir Starmer was paid against the cost of tickets to a musical concert, horse racing events and a football match.
These expenditures were challenged on the grounds of being improper and therefore not fit to be charged to the public treasury. In sharp contrast, such freebies will be left unnoticed by Pakistan's political class with a history of seizing a lot more during their tenures. Ignoring such largesse over time lies at the heart of the erosion of values in public life over previous decades.
Today, opposition leader Imran Khan remains tangled up in the 'Toshakhana' case, involving the sale of gifts that he received while serving as the prime minister. But his predecessors, Nawaz Sharif and President Asif Ali Zardari gained equally if not much more, when the laws of the land were set aside to allow them to purchase luxury vehicles after they paid far below their actual prices.
These choices remain just the tip of the proverbial iceberg, in a country where largesse for the ruling class at the public's expense has been an acceptable norm for long.
Down the line from the top tiers of government to the bottom, grabbing assets of the state as legitimate patronage is a recurring theme in Pakistan's history. And it's a legacy that has only wrecked Pakistans prospects in more ways than one.
The ruling class, which is represented by elected legislators at the centre and the provinces, stands far removed from legislative business which ought to be their primary responsibility. Instead, they have repeatedly chosen to focus on seizing patronage, notably development funds for their constituencies as a matter of top priority. This has been closely followed by other malpractices, notably overseeing appointments of their favourite bureaucrats and police officers at key positions within their constituencies.
Exactly how these funds for development are spent has seldom been probed deeply enough. Anecdotal evidence, however, has repeatedly pointed towards the incidence of widespread corruption in such expenditure.
The unbridled use of 'freebies' that has evolved in Pakistan over time has already cost the country very dearly. It stands right at the heart of rampant corruption spread across Pakistan over the past decades.
Eventually, there has been an erosion of the quality of politics, management of administration and law enforcement, and key aspects of economic management. Once corruption became the norm, Pakistan's prospects across the board suffered in ways that made a recovery for the better an uphill battle.
A turn-around to reclaim the legacy of the glorious days of Pakistan's past fundamentally requires several steps. Ending the use of freebies as a reward for stepping into elected office must be the starting point. In this exercise, it is vital to enforce the law in its entirety, requiring political players irrespective of their affiliations to stand accountable.
Such an exercise will only prove useful if the way Pakistan's political conduct and economic decision-making are revamped.
On the one hand, all links between politics at all levels and the grant of patronage must be severed. This will require the establishment of independent structures to oversee the functioning of the civil service without any intrusion from Pakistan's ruling class. Civil servants including senior figures in the police must be kept immune from being posted to or from their positions under orders from elected representatives.
Likewise, the rights of opposition figures must be protected from being blatantly violated in cases involving the police. In Pakistan's journey towards the evolution of its democratic politics, opposition politicians have too often been targeted by their foes using police officers patronised by them.
On the other hand, ending the use of 'freebies' as an acceptable norm in politics is essential, to cleanse Pakistan's economic outlook from a hugely regressive trend. For long, members of Pakistan's ruling class have used their clout to pressurise business interests.
In return, their gains have ranged from favours from the business community for their affiliates to outright favours for ruling politicians. In addition to the apparent rise in the cost of doing business, investors targeted are left unnerved over being effectively harassed repeatedly by the ruling class, unless they pay up.
At a time when Pakistan has just received its 25th bailout loan from the International Monetary Fund (IMF) to avert a balance of payments crisis, much follow-up work needs to be done.
Ending the link between the ruling class and patronage is essential to allow Pakistan to stand on its own feet, and avoid a return to another crisis that will require yet another IMF loan driven by painful conditions. Short of decisive action backed by tough reforms, Pakistan's outlook will just not change for the better.
A friend or a Foe
By: Samina Mumtaz Zehri | October 09, 2024
Balochistan is Pakistan’s treasured province-a land of enigmatic beauty, blessed with, the most talented and bulging Baloch youth that is our richest and most potential human asset.
The potential of our Baloch Youth is as varied as the resources of this rich land. Especially their political acumen that was first of all reorganized by Qauid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinah who had announced a political movement for the rights of the people of Balochistan before partition, that was strongly opposed by Nehru and other Congress leaders. People of Balochistan particularly youth had participated and strived physically and financially for the Independence of Pakistan. Otherwise the Province was kept backward by British rulers.
Scholar Ian Talbot states that the British Baluchistan was socially and economically underdeveloped compared to other parts of British India with an extremely low literacy rate and a mainly rural population. The province was also politically backward. During British rule Baluchistan Agency which excluded Princely States was under the rule of a Chief Commissioner and did not have the same status as other provinces of British India. Yet it was an important province for the All-India Muslim League which, under Muhammad Ali Jinnah, proposed in 1928 that democratic reforms be introduced to Baluchistan.
It is very encouraging to see that our Baloch Youth reposes huge trust on our security forces who protect them against all odds and threats. This trust is manifested by their increasing number in our armed forces. According to Frontier Corps’ statistics a few years ago, up to 30,000 Baloch had been serving in Pakistan Army and the armed forces in which 700 were posted on high officers’ rank. And this number is increasing with every passing day.
Since the establishment of Pakistan as an independent state, our enemies have been eying on the resource-rich province and in order to fulfill their nefarious designs Baloch youth is their soft target. For the last many decades, the so called Baloch human rights activists – vociferous in their slogans against the illegal abductions etc – are accused of turning a blind eye to the anti-state actors’ recruitment of Baloch students into militant groups such as in BLA.
This recruitment is a clear violation of their right to education and employment and a tactic to exploit young people. Through their enchanting slogans under the pretext of Baloch Nationalism or Baloch Independence, the Separatists -cum-Human Rights’ Activists/SHRAs lure the innocent Baloch youth towards their recruitment in insurgent organizations such as Baloch National Army/BNA, Baloch Liberation army/BLA, Baloch Yakjehti Committee/BYC and all other factions of such groups.
These Anti-state actors leave no stone unturned in damaging this province whenever they seize any opportunity. In this regard foreign direct investment is their foremost target. We have seen how anti-state actors such as Balochistan Liberation Army/BLA’s anti-China militant campaign hinders Islamabad’s efforts to strengthen its economy because they always target the assets and personnel belonging to the Belt and Road Initiative’s flagship regional project, the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), which spans from the northernmost part of Pakistan down to the Arabian Sea port city of Gwadar in Balochistan (Dawn, July 8, 2023). The BLA’s stated goal is to disrupt and undermine CPEC, which alone is estimated to comprise $65 billion in Chinese investment, through a linked anti-China media and militant activity strategy.
In order to sabotage the development and prosperity of Balochistan, these SHRAs have recently, adopted new approach to misguide our Baloch Youth so that they may be indulged in violence and extremism. A recent example of enticing our Baloch Youth and urging them to become violent protestors by such SHRAs is set by Mahrang Baloch. The SHRA Mahrang Baloch works on a nationalistic agenda through her slogan against enforced disappearances.
First of all, she led a march towards Islamabad on the basis of her politically backed and self-imposed agenda of Baloch Genocide. The protest movement led by Mahrang Baloch and other Baloch women in Islamabad, the capital of Pakistan, could not bear any fruit in any manner except leaving severe mental and physical hardships for our innocent Baloch women.
When Maharang Baloch had been luring these innocent women into politically backed protests on the roads of Islamabad, I had exposed the villainous intent of these protests on the floor of the House in Senate of Pakistan. Because Maharang had exploited innocent Baloch Women, brought them on roads against our Baloch culture and sanctity for women, created law and order situation in the capital for attracting international limelight, targeting our state agencies at the behest of those landlords, sardars and political big wigs of the Province who had been allegedly financing the whole anti-state campaign in order to blackmail the agencies for gaining political shelters.
Being a member of House of Federation the focus of my speech was to expose the true face of those so called local and political leaders of Balochistan, who had never resorted to listen to the grievances of their people and address them as per law. These local leaders who have been ruling Balochistan since its independence from colonial rule, have been merely eating up the resources of Balochistan, its development funds allocated for the health, education and wellbeing of its people and above all assisting the anti-state groups in the province.
These are the “black-hearted sardars” of Balochistan who are involved in all kinds of atrocities against its people by keeping them vulnerable at all levels till the time that the innocent youth is left with no option either to fall a prey to drugs and human smugglers or to get recruited by anti-state agencies such Balochistan Liberation Army (BLA), Baloch Nationalist Army (BNA), Balochistan liberation front (BLF) and so on. And this time these so called sardars and political big wigs have chosen Mahrang Baloch for leading such protests, who has familial ties to the BLA.
After the failure of her violent strategy she has now adopted a softer yet severe approach against the state and its agencies through a 5th generation warfare. Her recent interview to a Norwegian human rights forum on social media is a manifestation of this new twist in her approach to defame the state agencies and misguide the Baloach Youth. She has been openly accusing our state agencies of crimes against Baloch Youth and seeking undue favors from international stakeholders besides getting into the international limelight. In fact, the very action of Maharang Baloch must be tried under the treason charges since she has defamed our state agencies at international forum without proving the allegation through irrefutable evidence.
The cynical and objectionable approach of Maharang Baloch gives rise to very crucial questions in the minds of sensible, progressive and talented youth of Balochistan in particular and for the common people of Pakistan in general. The replies to following questions would go a long way in exposing the real face of such SHRAs.
Why have Mahrang Baloch and other Baloch Nationalist/Separatist leaders (especially those sitting abroad and enjoying a lavish life style) not done any work for the education and skill development of the Baloch Youth through exploring such opportunities during their meetings with foreign stakeholders?
What efforts they have made to address the issues of Baloch Youth or victims of forced disappearances in collaboration with their local political leaders? What are those irrefutable and authentic resources or substantial proofs on the basis of which she or her alliances come to know that the security forces of Pakistan are behind such disappearances? Which domestic forums they have used to legally address the issue of Forced Disappearances?
What efforts they have made in order to fight against Insurgent groups such as BLA? Who is financing their visits abroad as part of their political campaign? What proofs they can submit in order to prove the alleged involvement of our state agencies in forced disappearances? On what grounds they raise separatist or nationalistic slogans? Do they deny or admit the Indian and foreign powers’ involvement in sabotaging the law and order and peace in Balochistan? If state agencies do not protect Balochistan and its borders, who will take the responsibility?
Has she done any little efforts to investigate that the forced disappearances of such innocent people of Balochistan are actually conducted by the local influential persons, feudal lords, sardars and their bigwigs whose private jails have already been detected since long? Does she know that a large number of poor laborers, workers and even mine workers and their family members are kept as hostages in such private jails? Has she ever raised any voice against a large number of innocent detainees kept in private jails owned by local sardars since decades?
Does not she know that young people who are forcefully disappeared have been forced to live in hundreds of these darkest dungeons of hell for years? Moving ahead, why does she raise no voice against those influential and political stakeholders of Balochistan who misappropriate the development funds allocated for the development of human capital of Balochistan? why can’t she raise her voice against the poor utilization of a colossal amount of foreign Flood Aid for the uplift of the people of Balochistan after the catastrophic floods in 2022? Last but not the least, on what Terms of condition she finally called off her so-called Dharna in Islamabad?
SCO offerings and Pakistan, India relations
By: Shazia Anwer Cheema | October 09, 2024
The political philosophy needed in the emerging multi-nodal world is surely grounded in the above-mentioned four points. Nevertheless, the ground realities in South Asia raise several questions including whether the SCO can resolve border disputes; enhance people-to-people contacts; and develop high trade among Pakistan, India, Russia, Central Asian States and China because these are some chapters of the SCO success story written in the last 20-plus years. Honestly speaking, answers to the questions are not yet available.
The SCO is the successor to the Shanghai Five comprising China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia and Tajikistan. At the inaugural announcement event, Uzbekistan was invited as an Observer and it joined the new formation the same day. The SCO Charter was signed during the St Petersburg Heads of State Summit in June 2002 and the Charter came into force on Sept 19, 2003. Pakistan and India joined SCO as full members on June 9, 2017, at the Astana Summit.
The SCO is a prodigious success story for Central Asian States as this platform resolved 90% of border disputes among them through SCO sideline meetings. Can it help Pakistan and India resolve the Kashmir issue? Only time can tell.
Since all Central Asian States were part of the former Soviet Union, the SCO logo had two languages - Russian and Chinese. And English that is widely spoken, and the semi-official language in Pakistan and India, is not yet embedded into the SCO logo.
Since SCO is born out of the Shanghai Five, we have to review the Shanghai Five document to understand the aims and objectives that are transferred to SCO because the aims and objectives are the same but with new explanations and diction. The Shanghai Five was established on April 26, 1996, in Shanghai after the Treaty on Deepening Military Trust in Border Regions was signed by China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia and Tajikistan. The focus of the treaty was resolution of border disputes among members because these former Soviet states were locked in border issues among themselves and with China.
On April 24, 1997, China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia and Tajikistan signed the Treaty on the Reduction of Military Forces in Border Regions. The first two meetings of the Shanghai Five focused on security CBMs in the border areas between them, as these countries share over 7,000 km long border with China and border problems were a potential threat to the ties. It was also decided that their military forces would not engage in any offensive activities within the border areas; would not conduct military exercises against each other; would limit the scale, level and frequency of military exercises in the border areas; would inform each other about their respective major military activities in the areas within one hundred kilometers from the borders; would invite each other to observe their planned military exercises; would prevent dangerous military activities in the border areas; and would enhance friendly exchanges between the military forces and border patrol forces along with the border areas.
The foremost question that arises is: can Pakistan and India reach this level of understanding and coordination?
Another important achievement of SCO is people-to-people contact and high trade among member states. Since all Central Asian States were former Soviet republics, they have very soft visa regimes. Also the Chinese visa regime is also quite soft for Central Asian countries and Russia. All this is just a dream in the context of Indo-Pak ties, but we know only dreamers can change the world.
Exodus of youth: a reflection on systemic failures
By: Gulab Umid | October 09, 2024
The reasons behind this mass migration are deeply rooted in the systemic failures that have plagued Pakistan for decades. The story of a young person who, after sixteen years of education, ends up as a street sweeper while someone with minimal qualifications, backed by political loyalty, is appointed head of an institution, is a glaring example of this failure. The institutions that should be serving the public are instead filled with individuals who are more committed to their political affiliations than to the welfare of the people. This misplaced loyalty leads to the appointment of unqualified individuals to positions of power, relegating the educated to subordinate roles. In such an environment, the value of education diminishes, and the morale of the educated workforce plummets.
The decline of education in Pakistan is further exacerbated by the commercialisation of academic credentials. It has become a lucrative business, where even a few rupees can secure a matriculation certificate, and higher degrees can be bought without any real academic effort. Schools, colleges and universities have become mere shells of their intended purpose, offering education in name only. Instead of being provided with the facilities and support they need to thrive, students are often diverted into activities that detract from their studies, treating education as a burden rather than a pathway to success.
The responsibility for this dismal state of affairs lies squarely with the government. Every administration, through its cabinet members, has contributed to the degradation of the education system, leaving young people with little hope for a future within Pakistan. It is no wonder, then, that many young Pakistanis see no option but to seek opportunities elsewhere. They believe that abroad, they can finally prove their worth - something that seems increasingly impossible within their own country.
This trend of outward migration is not just a personal choice; it is a right - an assertion of their need to find a place where their talents and hard work will be recognised and rewarded. In Pakistan, even those with a master's degree find themselves struggling to secure a job, facing a bureaucratic system that offers little in the way of merit-based opportunities.
The situation is dire, but it is not beyond repair. There is still time to address the underlying issues and prevent further brain drain. The government must take decisive action to restore the integrity of the education system; ensure that merit prevails over political loyalty; and create an environment where young people see a future for themselves in Pakistan. If these steps are not taken, Pakistan risks facing movements similar to those in Sri Lanka and Bangladesh, where public frustration reached a boiling point.
Jaishankar's bizarre rhetoric on Kashmir
By: Asif Durrani | October 09, 2024
The issues of Kashmir and Palestine are the legacies of the colonial rule in which people were deprived of their right to self-determination; their plight continues to this date. Israel has used the salami tactics to slice off Palestinian territory and continues this tactic. Take a look at the Israeli map in 1948 when it took birth by dislodging the Palestinian people. Israel has increased its territory three times since then. Its adventure of depriving the hapless Palestinians continues unabated with the support of the big powers, led by the United States.
The people of Jammu and Kashmir have faced the same tragedy since 1947. Initially, India assured the people of Kashmir that they would be given the right to exercise their will through a UN-supervised plebiscite in the name of managing the affairs of the state. Special provisions in the Indian constitution (articles 370 and 35-A) were meant to assure the Kashmiris that their self-determination rights would not be affected. The UN resolution 91 (1951) unequivocally challenged the Indian sham elections by declaring that any administrative or political measures taken by India would not constitute the exercise of the will of the people, which would be possible only through a UN-supervised plebiscite.
What India did on 5 August 2019 was challenging the international order enshrined in the UN charter. By revoking articles 370 and 35-A, the Hindu nationalist government of Prime Minister Narendra Modi not only swallowed the entire state of occupied Jammu and Kashmir but also reduced its status to a union territory under the Lieutenant Governor - an administrative office under the supervision of Home Ministry in the Centre. Subsequently, India has imposed extended lockdowns and curfews; jailed all the genuine Kashmir leaders; violently suppressed peaceful protests; resorted to extrajudicial killings of innocent Kashmiris in fake encounters and so-called cordon and search operations; and imposed collective punishments, destroying entire villages. Access to occupied Kashmir, demanded by the UN High Commission for Human Rights and over a dozen Special Rapporteurs, has been denied by New Delhi.
The purpose of the entire exercise was obvious: to change the demography of the Muslim-majority state to a Hindu majority state and present to the world "the final solution" of the Jammu and Kashmir dispute as a fait accompli.
During his address at the UN General Assembly on 28 September, External Affairs Minister Jaishankar enlightened his audience that "[the] UN is a testimony to the agreed principles and shared objectives of the world order. Respect for international law and commitments are among the foremost." He continued: "If we are to ensure global security and stability, then it is essential that those who seek to lead set the right example. Nor can we countenance egregious violations of our basic tenets."
But Mr Jaishankar contradicted himself when declaring Pakistan a guilty party and telling the world that "the issue to be resolved between us is now only the vacation of illegally occupied Indian territory by Pakistan." By using such belligerent language, the Indian minister made fun of the international body and its resolutions calling for granting Kashmiris their inalienable right to self-determination. The presence of the United Nations Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan (UNMOGIP) should remind the Hindutva dispensation that Kashmir remains a dispute unless decided under the UN resolutions or by the parties (India and Pakistan). Therefore, India, through bizarre rhetoric, cannot wish away Pakistan's locus standi on Kashmir. Amazingly, India aspires to become a permanent member of the UN Security Council while conveniently flouting this august body's resolutions and decisions.
Another favourite theme trumpeted by the Indian hawks, especially Mr Jaishankar, against Pakistan is terrorism without realising that the Indian state terrorism is the root cause of unrest in the illegally occupied Jammu and Kashmir. There is a need to address the root causes of terrorism, such as poverty, injustice and foreign occupation, and distinguish genuine freedom struggles from terrorism. Suppose India is interested in addressing the "terrorism" issue. In that case, it should make common causes with Pakistan's proposal presented by Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif in the UNGA last year of creating a Committee of the General Assembly to oversee the balanced implementation of all four pillars of the Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy.
Unfortunately, Pakistan bashing has been a favourite business of the Indian ruling elite across the board, but the Hindutva forces have crossed all the limits of decency. The acerbic remarks against Pakistan, such as "making Pakistan irrelevant", reflect the mindset rooted in hate and Islamophobia. No wonder India is in cahoots with Israel in the ongoing genocide in Gaza and Lebanon and the target killings in Iran. Indian soldiers or nationals are serving "shoulder-to-shoulder" with the Israeli genocide forces. Mr Jaishankar's one-line statement about "war in Ukraine and conflict in Gaza" looked like running with the hare and hunting with the hound; moreover, India has yet to call Israeli actions genocide. Both Israel and India may use brutal power to subjugate the people against their will, but history has proved that you cannot win against the will of the people.
Pakistan’s strategic importance to the SCO
By: Dr Zafar Khan Safdar | October 09, 2024
THE Shanghai Five, which China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan founded in 1996 to resolve border issues and security concerns, served as the model for the SCO. After Uzbekistan joined the organisation in 2001, it was formally called the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation and its purpose was expanded to include political, economic and cultural cooperation. During the 16th Heads of State Summit in Astana in June 2017, Pakistan became a permanent member of the SCO. China, Russia, India, Pakistan, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan and Uzbekistan are now the eight full members of the SCO. Its influence and reach are further increased by the presence of many discussion partners and observer nations. The organization’s structure, which revolves on a number of Councils and Committees, encourages collaboration across different industries.
Pakistan’s strategic location at the intersection of South Asia, Central Asia and the Middle East makes it an excellent trading route, making the SCO a key platform for realising the goal of Eurasian integration. Encouraging joint connection capacities is essential to realising the common goal of a regional economy integrated. Pakistan is dedicated to upholding the Shanghai Spirit, which is a symbol of respect and trust amongst people for the growth and prosperity of everyone. Over 40% of people on the planet are represented by SCO, which speaks for their collective voice and goals. Pakistan is prepared to host two meetings of the SCO Member States’ Council of Heads of Government (Prime Ministers) and Ministers Responsible for Foreign Economic and Foreign Trade Activities in Islamabad this month (12-16 October 2024).
Situated at the crossroads of South West and South Asia, Pakistan offers trade and energy linkages through its sea lanes to the landlocked Central Asian countries (CARs) by providing a communication highway. With three major emerging economic partners in the SCO, Pakistan can improve its existing infrastructure of energy resources and initiate new infrastructure projects to maximize the potential of economic gains. Pakistan’s permanent membership in the SCO is significant since it gives the nation the chance to take the lead in trade, commerce, counterterrorism and regional stability. Because of its abundant resources for producing gas and oil, the SCO has the ability to influence the global geopolitical, economic and strategic environment. States in South Asia are experiencing serious shortages of energy as a result of the rapidly population expansion driving up energy needs.
South Asian nations have an ideal chance to launch new energy projects through the SCO that will not only supply energy but also advance economic integration. The two massive projects, the Turkmenistan-Afghanistan-Pakistan-India (TAPI) and Iran-Pakistan gas pipelines, will benefit the area and China is determined to invest in projects including the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) and the Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar (BCIM) corridor. The Asian Development Bank has identified 52 potential roads to connect the CARs and five seaports to connect Iran, Afghanistan and Pakistan. The Pakistani ports will be connected through 31 roads to central Asia, increasing regional trade by 160 percent.
China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), involving 65 nations, seeks to establish a modern Silk Road connecting China with Africa, Europe and Central Asia. The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is a key element, providing China access to the Arabian Sea via Gwadar Port, optimizing trade routes for cost and time efficiency. As a flagship BRI project, CPEC enhances economic connectivity through infrastructure development, energy cooperation and trade facilitation. Projects like roads, railways and ports are expected to boost Pakistan’s economy and improve links with Central Asia. By addressing Pakistan’s energy crisis through power generation and distribution, CPEC can enhance industrial productivity and spur economic growth. Pakistan must also strengthen trade with other SCO members, leverage its agricultural and textile sectors for exports, and engage in cultural exchange programs to foster tourism and business opportunities.
From a security perspective, the SCO membership is particularly critical since Pakistan has been afflicted by extremism and terrorism. Pakistan may work with member nations to drive out terrorism from its borders and share its expertise in a platform provided by the SCO. Coordination between Pakistan and India is crucial for the regional development and stability of South Asia as well as the development of South Asian trade routes and energy corridors. The SCO can provide a neutral venue for both countries to discuss and address their concerns through dialogue and peaceful approaches. Economic prosperity is closely linked with foreign policy and the SCO can provide a forum for creating a soft image for enhancing trade relationships and exploring new markets for trade. Pakistan can use the SCO forums to highlight its sacrifices and success against terrorism to improve its image in the region.
The SCO offers numerous opportunities for Pakistan, but challenges such as geopolitical tensions, economic disparities and issues related to terrorism and extremism persist. Ongoing tensions between member states, particularly between Pakistan and India, complicate regional cooperation. Economic disparities among members can hinder collaborative efforts and despite collective initiatives, terrorism remains a significant challenge for Pakistan. As the host of the SCO, Pakistan stands to benefit from increased market access to Central Asian markets, infrastructure development through initiatives like CPEC and joint security efforts that can enhance stability. Pakistan’s geostrategic location, economic potential and active involvement in various initiatives make it a vital player in the SCO’s objectives. As the SCO evolves, Pakistan’s role will likely become even more significant, especially amid ongoing geopolitical changes and emerging economic opportunities. By leveraging its strengths and addressing challenges, Pakistan can contribute to a more stable, prosperous, and interconnected Eurasia.
Unmasking Fitna-al-khawarij Iftikhar H. Jazib
By: Gulab Umid | October 09, 2024
COAS General Syed Asim Munir recently addressed the national conference of Islamic scholars which was organized to promote consensus against terrorist and violent extremist ideologies. Renowned Muftis declared the terrorist outfit Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) as “Fitna-al-Khawarij,” outlawing it in Islamic Shariah, while religious scholars endorsed the idea that militant commanders should not use revered religious titles. The Army chief issued a warning to terrorist and violent extremist outfits, stating that they must adhere to Shariah’s limits to be considered Muslims and they must uphold the Pakistan Constitution to gain recognition as Pakistanis. He cited Shariah in conjunction with the Constitution, as Article 227 mandates that Pakistan cannot enact any law that contradicts the teachings of the Quran-o-Sunnat. Therefore, the statement of COAS General Asim was also in accordance with the Constitution of Pakistan. The conference was a mega success against terrorist and violent extremist ideologies, as the use of the prefix “Kharji” with the name of terrorist leaders would expose them for their deviant conduct in society.
Terrorist groups are traumatizing the entire nation by perpetrating suicide bombings and running an intense propaganda campaign to create confusion in the public mind about the necessity, legality and justification of war against terrorism. The most regrettable aspect of our media is the use of revered religious titles for militant leaders, which help them connect their propaganda with the religious sentiments of the general public. Fitna-al-Khawarij does not have Islamic status, and its commanders conceal their criminality by using incorrect religious titles. The term ‘Taliban’ gained popularity in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, attracting a positive response from the general public. Baitullah Mehsud, the founder of Fitna-al-Khawarij, and his successor, Hakimullah Mehsud, did not use a religious title and based their campaign on exploitation of the Afghan Taliban’s public image. The misuse of religious titles such as Maulana, Mullah, Hafiz, Qari, and Mufti further helps Fitna-al-Khawarij commanders connect their propaganda with the religious emotions of the people.
Most militant leaders and fighters lack basic religious education and have neglected learning from Ulema who have dedicated their lives to studying Islam. Fitna-al-Khawarij has only a few members who completed Dars-e-Nizami, the fundamental religious course at Deobandi Madaris. The media should deny them religious titles, as this proves they are not true religious personalities. Leaders like Fazlullah, a matriculate who worked as a lift operator in Swat, misused the title ‘Mullah’ without completing Madressah education. Omer Khalid Khorasani, also a matriculate, worked as a blacksmith, while Mangal Bagh, the commander of Lashkar-e-Islam, had no Islamic education and previously worked as a bus conductor. These facts highlight that Fitna-al-Khawarij does not possess Islamic legitimacy, with its commanders concealing their criminality through the incorrect use of religious titles.
In Pakistani society, religious titles hold great respect and serve to honour local religious teachers; however, terrorists’ misuse of these titles is misleading the general public. Regrettably, the media utilizes these terrorist-promoted prefixes, elevating them in the public’s perception. Terrorists and extremist forces in Pakistan are fighting in the name of so-called Jihad, but their practices do not align with true Islamic teachings. They are always trying to give false justification for their brutal act by terming it permissible in Islam which reflects that they neither have basic knowledge of Islam nor do they care for the Islamic virtues. These terrorists not only misinterpret Islam but also use religious titles for their vested interests. They have successfully exploited innocent people’s religious affiliations and used them for inhumane and brutal activities.
Militants who claim to be true followers of Islamic teachings prove to be the worst, highly insensitive towards humanity and vicious by nature. Their involvement in un-Islamic activities, such as drug trafficking, kidnapping, bank robbery, exploitation of women and children, suicide bombings, and ruthless beheadings, serves as crude evidence of their immoral practices. They follow the agenda of anti-Pakistan and anti-Islam forces, aiming to create fear and panic in society. Eminent religious scholars and Grand Muftis have unanimously rejected their deviant ideology in the Fatwa, Paigham-e-Pakistan, declaring that Islam entirely prohibits the unjustified killing of innocent people. The Holy Quran teaches that ‘killing a human being is equivalent to killing the entire human race.’ Therefore, we must highlight the criminal activities of terrorists to challenge their ideology and credibility.
The general public is non-participative in counterterrorism campaigns due to the religious perception of militant leaders. The basic reason has been our inability to persuade common people to report or indicate terrorists in their surroundings, streets, relatives, or neighbours. Law enforcement agencies alone cannot accomplish this task. People’s participation must be a fundamental component of our approach, as their active involvement can eradicate the threat of terrorism from society. Media, especially electronic, can play a dominant role in educating the general public. This campaign will be very effective as one of the counter radicalization measures, which will help educate society and youth on the actual personality traits of the terrorists and the denial of local support to them.
Reviving Pakistan-Iran energy lifeline
By: Gulab Umid | October 09, 2024
PAKISTAN’S economic quagmire can be attributed, in no small part, to the crippling costs of energy—be it electricity, gas or petrol. In stark contrast, our neighbouring Muslim ally, Iran, is blessed with vast reserves of oil and natural gas. Back in 2010, in what appeared to be a promising move, Pakistan and Iran inked an agreement to construct a nearly 1,900-kilometer-long gas pipeline, connecting Iran’s South Pars Gas Field to the energy-starved regions of Balochistan and Sindh in Pakistan. The project was slated to supply an impressive 750 million to 1 billion cubic feet of natural gas per day for 25 years, with the potential to significantly mitigate Pakistan’s mounting energy crisis.
However, due to the weight of U.S. sanctions on Iran, this pivotal project has languished in limbo for more than a decade. Iran, despite international pressures, has fulfilled its part of the deal, completing its section of the pipeline at a cost of $2 billion. In contrast, Pakistan has failed to make any meaningful progress on its side, leading to frustration and growing impatience on Iran’s part. In a recent interview, Iran’s ambassador to Pakistan, Reza Amiri Moghadam, underscored that the timeline for this project cannot be extended further. He reiterated that the Iranian oil company seeks to resolve this deadlock through constructive dialogue. Iran’s warnings should not be taken lightly—Tehran has already hinted at approaching the International Court of Arbitration in Paris, with the possibility of an $18 billion claim against Pakistan for non-compliance.
In fact, on February 23, Pakistan’s Cabinet Committee on Energy merely approved the construction of an 80-kilometer segment of the pipeline—a tepid response given the urgency of the situation. Analysts rightfully argue that Pakistan’s lacklustre response leaves Iran with every justification to escalate the matter legally. Such negligence, especially on a project of this magnitude, is not only irresponsible but also perilously short-sighted.
The completion of the Pakistan-Iran gas pipeline is not merely an infrastructural endeavour; it is a strategic imperative that has the potential to reshape Pakistan’s economic landscape. The importance of addressing Pakistan’s severe energy crisis through a reliable and cost-effective supply of natural gas cannot be overstated. The government must move beyond lip service and embrace tangible, actionable steps to fulfil its part of the bargain. Engaging diplomatically with Iran to resolve the deadlock is imperative, as allowing this matter to devolve into international litigation could result in crippling economic penalties and further deteriorate Pakistan’s already fragile fiscal state.
This pipeline project stands as a beacon of hope—a venture that could alleviate Pakistan’s energy woes and provide a semblance of economic stability. However, inaction, complacency and a lack of political will are the gravest threats to this prospect. It is imperative that the government recognizes the gravity of the situation and takes decisive action to revive the project without further delay. The broader national interest demands no less. The successful completion of this pipeline would not only ensure a much-needed boost to Pakistan’s energy reserves but also solidify bilateral relations with Iran, setting the stage for enhanced regional cooperation and stability.
The stakes are too high for Pakistan to treat this matter with the same indifference that has characterized its approach for the past decade. The time for complacency has long passed—Pakistan must either rise to the occasion or face the repercussions of its failure on the global stage.
Sham elections in occupied Kashmir
By: Ahmed Ali | October 08, 2024
The residents of Indian Illegally Occupied Jammu and Kashmir (IIOJK) have once again endured significant distress stemming from the recent state assembly elections, conducted after a decade long hiatus and characterized by allegations of electoral malpractices. Final voting phase has concluded with results and subsequent government formation anticipated in this month i.e. October 2024. The outcome of this electoral process will serve as a critical indicator of public sentiment regarding the revocation of Articles 370 and 35A of the Indian Constitution. This pivotal moment in IIOJK’s political landscape necessitates a thorough examination of its implications for regional governance and societal response.
Some of the Indian and IIOJK’s key political parties, vehemently opposed to the repeal of these constitutional provisions, including the Congress, Communist Party of India, Communist Party of India (Marxist), National Conference, Peoples Democratic Party, DravidaMunnetraKazhagam (DMK), and Trinamool. Congress and its major IIOJK-based political affiliate, the National Conference, are running in the assembly elections on the platform of restoring the revoked constitutional articles.
Since 2019, the Modi government has implemented far-reaching changes — administrative, electoral, demographic, and domicile rules — to pave the way for elections, with the goal of consolidating its 2019 action and claiming that this has been ‘accepted’ by the people of J&K, with ‘normalcy’ returning. In fact, last month, prior to the announcement of the election date, the government significantly strengthened the powers of the lieutenant-governor (LG), who is appointed by Delhi, in order to severely limit the authority of the next ‘elected’ government. The Modi government has chosen to keep central control, knowing that the BJP or its proxies will not win the election and refusing to delegate authority to anybody else.
The LG was given broad administrative and security powers, including control over the police, civil worker transfers and postings, prosecutorial sanctions, and other public order issues. His actions will not be reviewed by the Council of Ministers, and his nominees will be able to attend cabinet meetings. Commenting on this, Omar Abdullah stated the chief minister’s office had been reduced to “a powerless rubber stamp” while Congress denounced it as the “murder of democracy”. This, however, was just the latest move to weaken the people of occupied Kashmir. Two important post-2019 acts sought to restructure the electoral map and change the state of play to the harm of Kashmiris. In 2020, India’s Delimitation Commission established new electoral constituencies, with Jammu receiving six additional members in the 90-member J&K Assembly and Kashmir receiving only one, despite the fact that Kashmir’s population much outnumbers Jammu’s. This gerrymandering was intended to give Jammu more representation, reducing Muslims’ political weight in the legislature and shifting the balance to Hindus.
Demographic changes, including new domicile rules, aimed to disenfranchise Kashmiris. Following the repeal of Articles 370 and 35A of the Indian constitution, non-Kashmiri outsiders were granted domicile status and the right to vote. Over the last five years, an undetermined amount of domicile certificates have been issued. In July 2022, even temporary residents were granted voting rights. Again, this was condemned in Jammu and Kashmir as a reckless attempt to change the demographics.In the face of such deceptive moves, what can be expected in the election, albeit to a toothless legislature? What does the poll signal for the BJP government’s ‘consolidation’ goals? The National Conference, led by Omar Abdullah, is highly expected to win the election.
In its election campaign, the party committed to fight for the restoration of Article 370, which granted J&K special status, abolish all post-2019 policies that degraded Kashmir’s autonomy, and promote India-Pakistan dialogue. Abdullah further stated that the NC’s first item of business would be for the assembly to pass a resolution calling for the restoration of statehood and condemning Delhi’s decision to remove J&K of its special status. If this occurs, it will do little to further the BJP’s goal in the area. In truth, a squabble between the ‘elected’ administration and the LG is apparently unavoidable, and rather than establishing ‘stability’, it will plunge the region into further political chaos.
The most critical factor will undoubtedly be whether people voice their displeasure with Delhi and rejection of the occupation through a protest vote. Elections in Jammu and Kashmir have long been regarded as pointless and illegitimate under Indian control. This is apparent in the abysmally low public participation, particularly in light of boycott calls by genuine Kashmiri leaders, depriving the polls of any validity.
However, the comparatively high voter turnout in the 2014 LokSabha election implies that voting may become a ‘new’ form of resistance and expression of Kashmiris’ desire for freedom. The Modi government is facing challenges in securing endorsement of its 2019 action and may encounter new obstacles from the elections that boosts the popular Kashmiri demand for ‘azadi’. While sham elections in J&K cannot replace a genuine exercise of self-determination for the Kashmiri people, it may serve as mean for them to express their rejection of the occupation.
Impactful Address at UNGA
By: Muhammad Zahid Raffat | October 08, 2024
Prime Minister Muhammad Shehnaz Sharif has returned home after an extended visit to New York and London. He travelled to New York via London and followed the same route back after delivering another address at the 79th session of the UN General Assembly. In his speech, he reiterated Pakistan’s longstanding principled stance on the pressing issues of Kashmir and Palestine. He emphasised that India has been illegally occupying Jammu and Kashmir since 1948, while Israel has denied Palestinians their right to freedom since 1947.
During his speech, which marked his second address to the UNGA in his second term as Prime Minister since April 2022, Shehbaz Sharif drew a powerful comparison between the conflicts in Palestine and Kashmir. He should have also pointed out that both issues emerged in quick succession in 1947 and 1948, yet neither has been resolved. Both regions continue to suffer, with the UN General Assembly, its Security Council, and the international community failing to fulfil their obligations, while gross human rights violations and ongoing bloodshed in occupied Kashmir and Palestine are ignored.
Pakistan has consistently maintained a foreign policy that prioritises these two critical issues, raising awareness of the plight of Kashmiris and Palestinians at every international and bilateral platform. However, the significance of highlighting them at the UNGA cannot be overstated, as India and Israel have only intensified their atrocities in the occupied territories. These actions continue without any meaningful pressure, oversight, or remorse from the global community.
PM Shehbaz Sharif’s strong condemnation of these human rights abuses served as a stark reminder to the international community that it cannot remain a passive observer. The international community’s failure to forcefully challenge both India and Israel has been a persistent source of disappointment for Pakistan and other nations worldwide.
It is also worth mentioning that the Pakistani delegation, along with representatives from other Muslim states, staged a walkout when the Israeli Prime Minister began his speech. This was more than a symbolic gesture; it was a clear demonstration of the growing anger and frustration within the Islamic world over Israel’s continued atrocities in Palestine.
In addition to addressing the issue of Palestine, the Prime Minister also issued a strong warning to India, stating that Pakistan would decisively respond to any Indian aggression across the Line of Control or in Azad Jammu and Kashmir. He made it clear that his government is fully committed to safeguarding Pakistan’s sovereignty and territorial integrity. This firm stance against potential Indian provocations signals Pakistan’s readiness to defend its national interests while remaining committed to peace in the region.
Besides these two critical issues, the Prime Minister also highlighted the urgent need for climate justice. He pointed out the inherent unfairness in expecting poorer nations like Pakistan to bear the costs of climate change caused by the greed and excesses of developed industrial nations. Unfortunately, these wealthy countries continue to pursue their own interests, seemingly indifferent to the disproportionate burden placed on poorer nations.
In all fairness, the Pakistani Prime Minister struck the right tone in his compelling speech before the 197-member UNGA, standing on par with other world leaders. While attending the UNGA’s 79th session, the Prime Minister also took the opportunity to meet with numerous world leaders and heads of international organisations, working diligently to promote and strengthen Pakistan’s bilateral relations with friendly countries and international bodies.
Building prosperity
By: Humayun Akhtar Khan | October 07, 2024
While decision-makers make vacuous claims and city folks spread despondency, my constituents quietly struggle to make ends meet.
I contested the last general elections from what many refer to as a rural community. It is a place where government services, such that exist in the country, are hard to come by. The people are on their own, using their genius and imagination to survive.
While decision-makers make vacuous claims and city folks spread despondency, my constituents quietly struggle to make ends meet. Each day they toil to increase produce off the land or track the market or connect to urban centres. When the government’s message is about sacrifice and ‘doom and gloom’, they are filled with purpose and hope. I could not have imagined so much potential among people living with such privation. They are not alone. Such stories abound throughout the country.
It is possible to revive the economy with the ‘can do’ spirit and enterprise of tens of millions of such Pakistanis. After many years of listless economic performance, it is time for a change of mood in the country. We must now actively rebuild the economy while staying within the limits of fiscal prudence. Despite their marginal standing in our public policy space, SMEs and village enterprises can play a key role in boosting economic activity.
Given our present dearth of resources, a major boost to capital-intensive growth would have to wait. SMEs fit well with present circumstances, as they do not need high amounts of capital, energy or technology. Yet, they afford a simple path to empower millions to better their lives. With shrinking basic services, citizens have suffered years of neglect, and their capacity to contribute to the country’s economic life reduced.
Buoyant SMEs are a tried and tested route to prosperity. They create new entrepreneurs and workers in the economy. As these small firms prosper, they will accumulate capital and know-how.
Worldwide, small firms have laid the base for the economy’s industrialization. In China, Vietnam and South Korea, small enterprises helped large swathes of people exit poverty. Also, they increase domestic demand for goods produced by other firms in the country. The most important benefit is that they create jobs.
Though business activity is innate to humans, experts trace the role of SMEs in industrialisation to the village enterprises of Europe. England and Scotland made wool fabric, leather goods, shoes, ceramics, furniture and iron products. France made silk. Germany and Switzerland made colour dyes, tools and clocks.
Later, the US, Japan and the rest of Asia followed. Japan produced silk, dyes and ceramics. Their iron foundries built tools. These were small firms whose know-how and experience accumulated to later make them dominant names in the world.
Scientific discoveries had a big role in Europe’s industrialization. But their application in industry would not have been possible without a large number of SMEs ready to acquire new technology. It is the principle of ‘evolving’ comparative advantage at work. As small firms earn profit, they add technology in bits and pieces. These entrepreneurs and specialized workers laid the foundation for mass production and later high-tech firms in Europe.
SMEs are quick to acquire new technologies. With the introduction of power looms, hand weavers of fabric in the UK became mass producers of textiles, boosted also by cotton and silk from colonies. Colour and dye makers in Germany and Japan laid the foundation for their chemical industry. With new furnaces and machines, ceramic producers moved to mass production of crockery and tableware. Soon they built a global network of markets for their goods.
According to the World Economic Forum, SMEs create nearly 70 per cent of jobs and contribute 70 per cent to world GDP. They have the potential to foster extensive growth and innovation.
Many excellent companies started as low-tech manufacturers of simple products. Matsushita began by making lamp sockets in 1918, while Samsung began life as a grocery store in 1938. Huawei started off in Shenzhen as the sales agent for Hong Kong made goods. There are many more examples of firms whose present dominance is a far cry from their modest beginnings.
These firms built on their then-low knowledge to diversify and steadily move up. Their countries suffered wars and colonization, but the firms had access to capital and ideas. With the spirit to improve quality, they became global powerhouses.
China and South Korea are the best-known recent examples of leveraging growth via small enterprises. SMEs was the first stage in Mr Deng Xiaoping’s economic development programme. Beginning in 1978, it transformed the Chinese industry. In China, SME industrial output grew 28 per cent per year for 22 years between 1978 and 2000. Exports from these units earned foreign exchange with which China imported industrial equipment for the next stage of mass production of goods. In 10 years, the number of small firms grew from 1.5 million to 19 million.
The wealth generated by these enterprises created a huge demand for domestically produced goods. It trained entrepreneurs and workers for the next stage of industrialization.
In South Korea, then-president Park announced a sweeping rural community development programme, the Saemaul Undong. South Korea rapidly raised its agricultural yields and increased low-tech industrial production. The programme connected the whole country with a transport network. South Korea spent about 2.5 per cent of GDP annually on the programme. “Ultimately, this was the key programme in the country’s long-term economic development,” ADB.
Pakistan must move from empty and shallow promises of help to SMEs to a national programme of support. The government may set up a dedicated team to study and prepare a plan. They must draw on the experience of China and South Korea. A new law should recognize SMEs as legal entities. It should define SMEs and register them; if possible, with tax comfort. This would enable them to apply for municipal services and avail credit from the formal sector. It would also allow them to resist extortion by state functionaries. Unwittingly, the government has forced SMEs to stay in the informal sector.
The government of Pakistan’s frequent efforts to increase SME credit do not bear results, as small firms cannot meet banks’ paper and collateral requirements. The government should also strengthen the national market. Contract enforcement would be a big help. Small firms must have the certainty that they will receive payments for services and goods delivered to distant customers. A national market needs a logistics network for quick input supply and delivery.
The SME programme must have a suitable institutional setup, from the federal to local governments. Their officials should be trained to support entrepreneurship. They must share ideas and information about new products and link small firms with financial institutions and export markets. They should also link SMEs with national and international technical support and help with skills development.
Quality must be an integral part of this plan so that at least some small firms become exporters. The government may set up local offices of the Pakistan Standards and Quality Authority to enforce minimum standards. Local government leaders must receive orientation so that they inspire in SMEs a quest for excellence by setting high standards for entrepreneurs’ performance and innovation.
Years of economic policy whose only goal is to avoid default have exhausted the country. During these years, the government’s main message has been to increase taxes and prices. This extractive public policy has left the people despondent and exasperated. There is a dire need to improve the self-belief of our people and include them in the economic mainstream. Otherwise, there is a risk of the country descending into social instability.
Diaspora's role in promoting health care in Pakistan
By: Shahid Javed Burki | October 07, 2024
Physicians of Pakistani origin living and working in the United States constitute an important part of their country's diaspora. The size of the Pakistani diaspora is now estimated at 700,000 or 0.2 per cent of the American population. Those who have moved to the United States account for 0.3 per cent of the Pakistani population. As I will take up later in this article, I and one Pakistani doctor have played active roles in getting the diaspora involved in the affairs of their country. While I established an institution based in Lahore that is now named after me, Dr Nasim Ashraf developed a close relationship with General Pervez Musharraf who gave him a position as a member of his cabinet.
Nasim Ashraf has recently self-published a book that provides a detailed account of the way Pakistani physicians under his leadership began to work together under an effective organisation called AAPNA. The acronym stands for the Association of Physicians of Pakistani descent in North America. Ashraf's book is appropriately titled Ringside, since it provides a view of the political ring that he watched from the sidelines in Pakistan. The book focuses on the role the Pakistani physicians have played in helping the country of their origin to improve the situation of health which has caused economists such as myself to worry how the country's poor performance in the sector of health is likely to affect its economic, social and political progress.
Pakistan's health system as redesigned by the 18th Amendment to the Constitution has passed on the responsibility of providing healthcare of the citizens to the provincial governments. They have not been effective in performing this role. There are a number of problems with the system. Of these, four are important: lack of finance; deep differences in coverage provided in the urban and rural areas; not enough focus on child- and mother-care; and a serious shortage of paramedics, nurses in particular. Taking the last first.
A paramedic is a healthcare professional whose main role has been to respond to emergency calls for medical help. Following the response, the affected person is transferred to a well-established medical facility such as hospitals and clinics. This system was put to test during the Covid crisis when Pakistan performed better than neighbouring India in part because the pandemic there struck difficult-to-reach slums in the highly population-dense city of Mumbai. Pakistan has only 106,000 nurses to serve a population now estimated at 240 million. As discussed below, the Burki Institute of Public Policy (BIPP) has launched a programme to increase the number of paramedics in the country, in particular in the areas around the megacity of Lahore.
The total expenditure by the federal and provincial governments combined is only 1.4 per cent of national income, most of which is spent in cities and large towns. The total expenditure on healthcare is about one-fourth of the 5 per cent recommended by the World Health Organization (WHO). The government shortfall is compensated to some extent by private sector health enterprises. Several analysts have concluded that 70 per cent of the country's large and growing populations is being served by private healthcare institutions who do their work without any involvement of the public sector.
Returning to the role played by physicians who have a large presence in the Pakistani diaspora in the United States, it should be noted that before Ashraf institionalised their Pakistani operations, several of them had funded the establishment of large modern hospital in Pakistan's major cities. The Doctors Hospital in Lahore and Al Shifa Hospital in Islamabad are good examples of these efforts. A cancer hospital in Karachi was also built by the diaspora doctors. Several Pakistani-American doctors gave up their practices in the United States and returned to work in the hospitals they and their colleagues had promoted in Pakistan's major cities. For instance, Lahore's National Hospital employs several diaspora physicians who provide major services to the visiting patients.
However, Ashraf worked to get medical care to the under-served parts and populations of the country. To achieve this objective, he established the National Commission for Human Development (NCHD) on July 22, 2002. "I was elated. I simply could not believe it was happening because of one man, General Pervez Musharraf, who was willing to spend political capital on this idea," wrote Ashraf in his book Ringside. The NCHD defined its targets, all of them ambitious, as follows: Increase literacy rate from 43 per cent of the population in 2002 to 78 per cent by 2025 with focus on female education; ensure universal primary education by enrolling all out-of-school children estimated at that time to number 15 million; reduce infant and maternal mortality rate by 30 per cent; reduce population growth rate from 2.8 per cent to 1.5 per cent. These were ambitious targets and most of them were not met. But that notwithstanding, the NCHD brought comfort and development to millions of people around the country.
I will now turn briefly to the work the BIPP is doing in improving the supply of paramedics in the country. The BIPP was initially set up as the Institute of Public Policy (IPP) at the urging of my late friend Sartaj Aziz who at that time was the Vice Chancellor of Beaconhouse National University (BNU). The funding for IPP was to be provided by the BNU. He wanted me to chair the institution by moving to Pakistan, something I was not prepared to do. While I would by an absentee chairman, the institution would be managed by a local employee. When Sartaj resigned and left Lahore for Islamabad, the BNU funding ceased. At that time the Burki family stepped in with the needed funds and decided to change the name of the institute to Burki Institute of Public Policy, the BIPP. I was about to close the institution down but was advised by my late relative AZK Sherdil to talk to Shahid Najam who had recently returned after more than two decades of service at the United Nations. Najam came to see me and surprised me by indicating that he would be happy work at BIPP without any compensation.
I would count him as a member of the Pakistani diaspora who is committed to work to raise the level of development of his native land. One recent initiative he has launched is to provide scholarship to girls from relatively poor families to study paramedic disciplines. That way the BIPP would work to relieve some of the shortages from which Pakistan's health sector suffers.
Manipur crisis
By: Maria Mansab| October 07, 2024
Since May 2023, the northeastern Indian state of Manipur has been gripped by a violent conflict that has claimed the lives of at least 237 people and displaced over 60,000 residents. What started as ethnic unrest has rapidly escalated into a complex political crisis, further fueled by PM Narendra Modi’s refusal to address the issue head-on. The ongoing violence, primarily between the Meitei and Kuki communities, is poised to unravel the very fabric of India’s territorial integrity.
Manipur, home to 3.2 million people, has turned into a war zone, with both ethnic violence and government suppression reaching new heights. Curfews have been imposed, and internet blackouts are in place, yet Modi’s government seems paralyzed, incapable of diffusing the situation. This failure of governance comes as no surprise, especially given Modi’s reluctance to speak on the issue during India’s general election. Critics from opposition parties have frequently criticized Modi for his silence and his unwavering support of the state’s Chief Minister, N. Biren Singh.
Singh, a member of the dominant Meitei community and Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has exacerbated the conflict with his biased handling of the crisis. The Meiteis, who make up just over half of Manipur’s population, have long held significant political power and dominance in Manipur. The conflict started after a controversial ruling by the Manipur High Court. This ruling proposed granting the Meiteis a special tribal status, a move that enraged the state’s minority Kuki community, whose members have historically been protected by such status.
The Kukis, who inhabit Manipur’s more underdeveloped hill areas, view the court’s decision as an existential threat. Their demands for autonomy have since escalated into a call for full independence. “We want freedom! We want independence from the Meitei! We want independence from Manipur!” a Kuki protester shouted during one of the many rallies that have taken place. What was once a demand for territorial autonomy has morphed into a full-blown separatist movement, and the threat of India’s division looms larger with each passing day.
Manipur’s proximity to Myanmar’s infamous “Golden Triangle”, a notorious hub for drug trafficking, has further complicated the conflict. The state’s economy has long been plagued by rampant drug use, exacerbated by the easy availability of heroin, opium, and methamphetamine smuggled across the Myanmar border. Singh’s so-called “war on drugs” has done little to stem the tide, especially after it was revealed that his wife had connections with a drug lord. The hypocrisy of the political elite has only deepened the divide between the Meitei and Kuki communities.
If Modi continues down this reckless path, Manipur’s cries for freedom will only be the beginning. India’s fragmentation is no longer a distant threat; it is becoming an imminent reality as his regime drives the nation toward self-destruction. Modi’s obsession with political dominance is putting the integrity of India at risk, with more regions likely to follow Manipur’s lead in demanding separation.
Meitei civil society groups have not been innocent in this crisis either. They have painted the Kuki community as “narco-terrorists,” blaming them for the drug trade that continues to flourish across the state. On social media, these accusations have taken on a dangerous communal tone, with Kukis being portrayed as criminals and insurgents. The violence that followed these narratives has been nothing short of brutal, with sexual crimes and mob lynchings further worsening the human toll. On May 4th, two Kuki-Zomi women were paraded naked by a mob of Meitei men, with one of them being gang-raped, while her father and brother were beaten to death.
The level of security in Manipur is staggering; paramilitary forces, the army, and intelligence agencies maintain one of the largest presences in the country. Yet, this has done little to curb the violence or protect civilians. If anything, the presence of such a heavy-handed military apparatus has only increased the fear and mistrust that permeates Manipur today. The state’s hill areas, largely populated by Kukis, remain cut off from the prosperous Imphal Valley, where the Meitei enjoy dominance.
Modi’s policies represent a serious violation of human rights. His government’s failure to protect its citizens, breaches Article 21 of the Indian Constitution, which guarantees the right to life and personal liberty. The suppression of dissent through curfews and internet blackouts undermines Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which safeguards the right to freedom of expression. Additionally, these actions violate the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which India is a signatory, further illustrating how Modi’s approach is eroding the very framework of human rights that the nation is obliged to uphold.
From Kashmir to Assam, India’s diverse regions are witnessing the destructive consequences of Modi’s incompetence. His government’s inability to address ethnic and regional grievances has left India on the brink of collapse. Manipur, once ignored, has now become the epicentre of a much larger disintegration sparked by Modi’s divisive and exclusionary policies.
If Modi continues down this reckless path, Manipur’s cries for freedom will only be the beginning. India’s fragmentation is no longer a distant threat; it is becoming an imminent reality as his regime drives the nation toward self-destruction. Modi’s obsession with political dominance is putting the integrity of India at risk, with more regions likely to follow Manipur’s lead in demanding separation.
Indians must hold our government to account for aiding Israel’s murderous Gaza war
By: Ramachandra Guha | October 07, 2024
On October 7, 2023, Hamas launched a brutal attack on the citizens of Israel. More than 1,100 people were killed, of which three-fourths were civilians. The Israeli state retaliated immediately, by bombarding the adjoining Palestinian territory of Gaza, which is controlled by Hamas. One might have thought, and hoped, that after a few days or at most a few weeks, the Israelis would cease the bombardment. However, this savage campaign of retribution has carried on for a full year now.
More than 50,000 Palestinians have been killed by Israeli forces, of which perhaps 90% have been civilians. The official death ratio of Palestinians to Israelis is thus roughly 50 to 1, though even this doesn’t remotely reflect the scale of the suffering. More than a million residents of Gaza have been displaced from their homes.
After the devastation it has wreaked in Gaza, Israel has now trained its fire on the country of Lebanon. Here too, it has not cared to distinguish between terrorists and innocent civilians. In its bid to eliminate particular individuals it has killed hundreds of Lebanese citizens and rendered many
The International Criminal Court has judged both the Israeli state and Hamas to be guilty of war crimes. This is utterly justified. For no amount of historical contextualisation can excuse or explain away the killings of civilians by Hamas last October. That said, the crimes of the Israeli state are indubitably greater. In its pursuit of revenge, it has acted indiscriminately, bombing and flattening schools and hospitals. Apart from killing tens of thousands of Palestinians, it has, by withholding or radically restricting the supply of food, water, and electricity, sent countless other people to the brink of starvation.
The coverage of the conflict in Gaza has looked largely at the two contending parties: the Israelis and Hamas. This column shifts the focus to the other groups or nations who have played a role in causing and perpetuating the conflict. In the case of many if not most crimes, the criminal has accomplices. Who, then, are the people who have aided Hamas on the one side and the Israeli state on the other?
The principal accomplices of Hamas are the theocratic state of Iran and the terror group based in Lebanon, Hezbollah. The dominant Western media regularly names and shames them. Yet they are rather more shy of identifying the accomplices of Israel, so perhaps we must do so instead. The principal enabler of the criminal acts of the Israeli government is, of course, the United States of America. It has provided a continuous stream of military aid to Israel, sending it the weapons it needs to continue pounding Gaza (and now Lebanon). America has also offered Israel diplomatic cover, by vetoing or voting against resolutions in the United Nations that might bring about a ceasefire and a pause to the suffering.
America’s refusal to recognise its own complicity was illustrated in an interview I heard last week of the former First Lady, former senator, former secretary of state, and sometime presidential candidate, Hillary Clinton. She was asked about her recent experience teaching at Columbia University, where she is now a visiting professor. Shortly after she began teaching last fall, a series of student protests roiled Columbia (and other campuses), demanding that Israel stop the bombing of Gaza and agree to an immediate ceasefire. Clinton dismissed these protests out of hand, on the grounds that they were supported and funded from “outside”. She further insinuated that some of these protesters were activated by “anti-Semitism”.
No evidence was provided in support of these accusations. In fact, though there were a few agent provocateurs from outside who came in uninvited, the overwhelming majority of the protesters were students and faculty members of these universities themselves, acting on their own behalf and with their own resources. Besides, many Jewish students joined these demonstrations, for, in the face of the wanton killing of women and children in Gaza, their commitment to humanity as a whole trumped their partisan commitment to the faith of their ancestors. (Unfortunately, the interviewer, Fareed Zakaria, was too timid to confront Clinton with the facts, and allowed her accusations to pass unchallenged).
Listening to Hillary Clinton, it struck me that, far away from New York, there was another agency funded and supported from “outside”. This was the Israeli state, kept going by the United States government. I wonder if Clinton, were she to hear her remarks played back to her, would have this capacity for self-reflection. I rather doubt it. Conditioned by the decades she has spent at the heart of the Washington establishment, she can never see herself or her government as ever being anything other than blameless.
Long before the current conflict, successive American presidents and American governments tacitly aided Israel in its violations of international law. The expansion of Jewish settlements all across the West Bank has occasionally led to mild rebukes from Washington, but never concrete action. Whether run by Democratic or Republican administrations, the most powerful nation in the world has been unable or unwilling to stop these encroachments on Palestinian lands by Jewish settlers supported by the Israeli Army. Over the decades, these settlements have accumulated to such an extent that they have made the creation of a viable Palestinian state a near-impossibility. The blame for this rests as much with America as with Israel itself.
The United States has been Israel’s principal accomplice in its criminal violations of international law. However, there are also other accomplices. These include the United Kingdom, France and Germany. And, truth be told, our own Republic of India has not been guiltless either.
As we grimly commemorate the first anniversary of the Hamas attack on Israel, and we contemplate the ever-increasing death toll of innocent Palestinians at the hands of Israel, it behoves us to be somewhat more self-aware, and self-critical, than Americans like Hillary Clinton can ever be. We must hold to account our government for having aided the murderous Israel campaign in at least two ways, neither insubstantial. The first is by not supporting resolutions in the United Nations General Assembly calling for a ceasefire in Gaza and for Israel to comply with international law. The second is by sending Indian migrant workers to sustain the war economy of Israel, these workers actively canvassed for by state governments run by the Bharatiya Janata Party.
The uncritical support of the current Indian government for Israel stems from two reasons. One is personal – the decades-long friendship between Narendra Modi and Benjamin Netanyahu. The other is ideological – the admiration that Hindutva propagandists have for Israel’s fusion of State with faith and its suspicion/demonisation of the Muslim “other”.
By taking Israel’s side and, in effect, condoning the violence perpetrated by it, India has undermined its standing in the world. Last month, when the Middle East crisis was being debated in the United Nations General Assembly, all India could offer were some empty and insincere words about “peace”. On the other hand, the prime minister of Slovenia remarked: “I want to say this out loud and clear to the Israeli government: Stop the bloodshed, stop the suffering, bring the hostages home, and end the occupation. Mr Netanyahu, stop this war now.” And the foreign minister of Australia said: “It is now nearly 300 days since Australia and 152 other countries voted for a ceasefire. And today, I repeat that call.” She added: “Lebanon cannot become the next Gaza.”
Note that Slovenia and Australia are not just democracies, but have close ties with Israel’s chief patron, the United States. Yet their leaders have the clearsighted courage that both our prime minister and our foreign minister evidently lack.
Israel is said to be the only functioning democracy in the Middle East. The United States is the richest and most powerful democracy in the world. India boasts of being the world’s largest democracy. All these claims ring hollow in the light of what these countries have done to perpetuate the crimes against humanity in Gaza. As Pratap Bhanu Mehta succinctly puts it, “[h]ere are three democracies ushering the international order to ruin: Israel by its brutalisation of conflict, the United States by providing it cover and complicity, and India by its evasions that border on complicity.”
Managing energy demand
By: Waqas Bin Najib | October 05, 2024
The government has historically provided unreasonably cheap energy (electricity and gas) and did not enforce building standards, appliance standards, or other energy efficiency measures. Meanwhile, we recklessly expanded the transmission and distribution networks. Consumers adjusted to high availability and low-cost energy, and residential demand grew. Today, the challenge is transitioning from cheap, abundant energy to a scenario with expensive and limited supply.
I have argued that residential energy consumption in the country is unsustainable. Both electricity and natural gas are consumed wastefully and do not produce any economic output. I also say that the government needs to curtail the supply to residential and commercial consumers who contribute to peak demand — mainly middle- and high-income consumers.
Utilities are adopting this even in advanced markets like the US; for example, the electric utility company controls the air conditioners and electric vehicle home chargers in Texas and can turn the appliances off during peak load hours. A cruder version of a similar approach can be adopted in Pakistan to reduce peak demand and household energy costs.
Electricity and natural gas prices in Pakistan will increase in the coming years. The capacity payments for the new power generation projects will drive the electricity prices higher, while the increasing contribution of imported LNG will increase the gas prices. The inevitable rupee devaluation will also contribute to an increase in electricity and natural gas prices.
The energy situation in Pakistan is driving the economy down.
The impact of high pricing will be disproportionately more significant for low-income consumers in the country. Lower-income households will need government support to adapt to the changing energy landscape. According to the last Household Integrated Economic Survey in 2019, households spent seven per cent of their average income on energy — mainly electricity and gas. Lower- and middle-income households spent 8.5pc of their income on energy. Since that survey, increasing prices and stagnant income levels are expected to have increased energy expenditures by up to 10pc of household income.
Energy expenditures are around 5pc of household income in most developed and developing countries. The International Energy Agency (IEA) reports 2022 figures for the contribution of energy to average household expenditures: 5.5pc in Mexico, 5pc in Indonesia, 4.8pc in the UK, and around 3pc in the US and Canada. The high expenditure on energy by households in Pakistan should be seen in the context of energy poverty: our per capita energy consumption of only 3,895 kWh/capita/year is among the lowest in the world — one-tenth of Iran, the EU, or China, and almost half that of India.
The energy situation in Pakistan is driving the economy down and contributing to the prevalence of poverty.
Where do we go from here? The government must try to curtail demand to reduce new-generation requirements and other necessary sector reforms. Meanwhile, consumers must adapt to the new energy situation. Energy efficiency and demand-side management are the cheapest ways to reduce energy costs.
Households have a few options for managing their demand. These include solar home systems, energy-efficient appliances, intelligent energy management systems, and low-energy buildings. Appliance replacements and building envelope improvements (such as building insulation solutions) will be demand-driven rather than regulation-driven. The government should introduce the labelling of appliance energy-efficiency ratings and work towards increasing consumer awareness of energy efficiency improvements.
Solar home systems remain the best option to reduce energy costs. Consumers should consider solar PV systems for electricity generation and solar water heaters to reduce gas consumption. Solar water heaters can act as pre-heaters for conventional water heaters, while solar PV systems will supplement the grid electricity.
The current net-metering policy for grid-connected solar systems only applies to three-phase consumers, around 10pc of residential consumers. The remaining 90pc are single-phase consumers. Most single-phase consumers belong to middle- and low-income groups. A grid-interconnection policy for single-phase consumers is essential to enable them to install solar home systems.
The grid-interconnection scheme enables the consumers to inject the excess electricity produced by the solar system into the grid and adjust equivalent units against consumption. Under the current policy, the exported and imported units are netted off, and consumers are expected to be paid the off-peak tariff rate if they have unconsumed excess units.
The current policy needs to be revised to reflect the costs of using the grid as temporary storage. The policy must be changed for all the existing and new consumers. Grid interconnection for solar home systems should shift to gross metering (K-Electric in Karachi already uses gross metering), and the buy-back rate should be around four US cents (Rs12) — roughly the last solar tariff awarded by Nepra. The price should be based on the alternate option for the grid to procure solar power and correctly reflect the costs of using the grid as storage. Even with a lower buy-back price for solar home systems, installing solar electricity systems will still be an attractive investment for households.
However, solar does not reduce the conventional power demand requirement. Pakistan has a peculiar power demand curve. Since residential and commercial consumers drive the demand, the peak load on the grid is after sunset when the consumers turn on their air conditioning in the evening.
For example, in Karachi, the peak demand in the system is at 11 pm. This means that solar power does not help meet the peak demand, and the grid will still require other power generation capacity to meet the peak demand. Solar home systems will only help reduce costs for consumers.
Many upper-income households can afford solar installation, device replacements, and building improvements. Middle- and low-income families will find it challenging to make demand-side adjustments. Instead of investing in new power generation plants, policymakers should consider demand-side management measures and support low-income households.
Subsidising energy for all households is expensive and ineffective. Providing direct support to low-income households to adapt to future energy scenarios will be far more efficient.
The case for nuclear energy
By: Ali Sarwar Naqvi | October 05, 2024
Electricity is an essential component of socio-economic development for any society. Every aspect of human advancement requires easy access to an economical source of electricity.
Electricity can be generated through various fuels and technologies, each with its own pros and cons. However, electricity cannot be economically stored, and the demand-supply balance must be maintained in real time. As a result, expanding the electricity supply system is always subject to a range of considerations. It is widely accepted that relying on a single fuel or technology to meet all the electricity needs of a sizable country like Pakistan is not advisable.
Pakistan has several options to meet its growing electricity demand, including coal, gas, oil, nuclear, and VRE (variable renewable energy, such as wind and solar). Selecting the right combination of these options is essential for an optimal supply mix. However, forming this mix requires policies that are crafted with a long-term vision and an assessment of future needs. The electricity generation industry is investment-intensive and requires substantial lead time for full expansion. Therefore, considerations such as economics, environmental impact, supply security, system operation constraints, economic impact, and the country's financial situation must all be factored into the capacity expansion strategy.
Indigenous fossil fuels are typically prioritized if they are reasonably available, to capitalize on long-term benefits. However, burning fossil fuels for electricity generation is inherently linked with greenhouse gas emissions, which contribute to climate change. Since climate change is a global issue, efforts are being made to reduce fossil fuel use. These efforts include multilateral treaties and policy instruments aimed at minimizing fossil fuel consumption. For example, the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank have decided not to finance any new fossil fuel exploration or power generation projects.
Hydropower plants with reservoirs are a favored option among electricity generation technologies due to their energy storage capability and socio-economic benefits. However, their potential is limited by natural factors, such as the site's geological structure, location, water inflow availability, and public acceptance. Pakistan is fortunate to have substantial hydropower potential in the north, a reasonable share of which has already been exploited. It is worth noting that. while receding northern glaciers may increase inflow, the IPCC has predicted that water flow may begin to decrease in the latter half of the century.
Run-of-river (ROR) hydropower plants are also an economical and socially accepted option for power generation. In Pakistan, however, electricity generation from ROR plants is seasonal and available at full capacity only during periods of high water inflow in the Indus River System.
Over the past decade, VRE sources, particularly wind and solar, have entered Pakistan’s power market. While onshore wind has limited potential, there is substantial potential for solar power generation. However, VRE sources are intermittent and unreliable, which requires nearly equivalent backup capacity and technologies with high ramp rates to manage fluctuations in supply. As a result, the overall cost of the system rises as the share of VRE increases due to the need for standby capacity.
Nuclear technology represents one of the highest levels of engineering precision achieved by humanity. The rigorous safety standards associated with nuclear energy make it capital-intensive and challenging to implement. Nuclear technology has been in commercial operation for over seventy years and remains a prime choice in many developed countries, thanks to its high capacity factor. However, this technology requires significant efforts in human resource and knowledge development, which only a limited number of countries have successfully achieved. The importance of nuclear energy has recently grown due to concerns about climate change, and during COP28, it was formally included as a solution for addressing global climate change issues.
In recent years, several developing countries have initiated nuclear energy programs. Bangladesh and Egypt are constructing their first nuclear power plants (NPPs), while countries like Saudi Arabia, Jordan, and Uzbekistan are in the process of developing the necessary infrastructure.
In Pakistan, nuclear-generated electricity was first produced in 1972, when the 137MW Karachi Nuclear Power Plant (KANUPP) began supplying power to K-Electric. This achievement made Pakistan the 15th country in the world to establish an NPP. The plant, initially designed for a 30-year lifespan, successfully operated for 50 years before being permanently shut down for decommissioning in August 2021.
Currently, six nuclear power plants (NPPs) with a total gross capacity of 3,530MW operate in Pakistan, with four located in Chashma and two in Karachi. The operating cycle of NPPs at the Chashma site is 14 months, while that of the Karachi site is 18 months, meaning that once fueled, these plants can operate continuously for these periods without requiring additional fuel. This feature makes NPPs a reliable, secure, and stable electricity generation option among thermal power generation technologies.
According to Nepra’s statistics for July 2024, the average fuel cost of Pakistan’s operating NPPs is Rs1.5 per unit. This cost is significantly lower compared to RLNG (Rs26.3 per unit), imported coal (Rs15.5 per unit), local gas (Rs13.9 per unit), and local coal (Rs11.0 per unit). The fuel cost of NPPs is also highly stable, unlike the erratic and sometimes chaotic prices of fossil fuels. Over the past ten years in Pakistan, the average nuclear fuel price has increased from about Rs1.1 to Rs. 1.5 per unit, mainly due to the devaluation of the Pakistani currency.
The low fuel cost of nuclear energy also ranks high on the Merit Order prepared by NTDC for economical electricity generation. Consequently, maximizing the use of NPPs is preferred by operators to keep overall system fuel costs low. Nuclear power contributed around 18 per cent of the total electricity generation in fiscal year 2023-24, with a share of 25.8 per cent in March.
Pakistan's recent slow economic growth has reduced electricity demand, further impacted by the rise of rooftop solar systems. Meanwhile, a significant portion of electricity generation capacity based on imported fossil fuels was added to the system, causing a sharp increase in electricity tariffs.
In this context, some commentators have attempted to label nuclear energy as an expensive option by focusing solely on capacity charges, overlooking the high capacity factor and the low fuel cost of nuclear generation. In reality, the current average tariff for NPPs in Pakistan is only Rs14.8 per unit, which will drop to single digits after debt repayment on the most recent NPPs. The debt period for each NPP is 12 years, while the lifespan of these plants may extend beyond 80 years.
Nuclear power also plays a crucial role in conserving foreign exchange reserves. Despite having more than sufficient installed capacity, Pakistan's power system faces energy (fuel) shortages due to rising energy prices and a lack of foreign exchange reserves. This shortage negatively impacts the country's economy and social life. In this context, Pakistan’s NPPs are essential, as they not only help conserve foreign exchange reserves but also support the country's power system during crises.
Imagining a scenario without NPPs for FY2023-24, the system operator would likely have to rely on imported fossil fuels such as coal, RLNG, and furnace oil. Based on Nepra's reported monthly prices, the additional financial burden on Pakistan’s power system would be around $1.1 billion to $2.3 billion in foreign exchange. Generating the equivalent amount of nuclear electricity with imported coal would require an additional $1.1 billion, with costs rising to $1.6 billion for RLNG and $2.3 billion for furnace oil.
These facts clearly demonstrate that nuclear energy is vital to maintaining low and stable electricity generation costs in Pakistan. The minimal and stable fuel cost of nuclear energy contributes to an affordable, secure, and reliable electricity supply. Therefore, a practical share of nuclear power is essential for a sustainable energy supply system in Pakistan. While other power sources will continue to contribute to the energy mix, nuclear-generated electricity provides the stability needed for Pakistan's power equation.
Anti-India sentiment among Bangladeshi youth
By: M A Hossain | October 05, 2024
Over the past decade, there has been a noticeable shift in the political and social mindset of Bangladesh’s youth. What was once a close and collaborative relationship between Bangladesh and India has gradually evolved into one marked by skepticism, dissatisfaction, and, at times, outright hostility. Anti-India sentiment has surged among younger generations, fueled by several factors, including historical grievances, contemporary politics, and the growing influence of religious and nationalistic ideologies.
India played a crucial role in Bangladesh’s independence from Pakistan in 1971. Its support, both militarily and diplomatically, was instrumental in the success of the Liberation War, which ended with the formation of an independent Bangladesh. In the years immediately following independence, the relationship between the two countries was generally positive. Shared cultural ties, linguistic affinities, and common geopolitical interests helped solidify this partnership.
However, over time, this relationship has been marked by periods of strain. Issues such as water-sharing disputes, trade imbalances, border security concerns, and accusations of India’s meddling in Bangladesh’s domestic politics have fostered a sense of unease. Many in Bangladesh feel that while their country benefited greatly from Indian support during its liberation, India has not always been a fair and equal partner in subsequent years. This sentiment has, in particular, grown stronger among the younger generation, which did not witness the Liberation War and is more influenced by current political realities than by the historical ties between the two nations.
For the last 15 years, the Awami League government, under the leadership of Sheikh Hasina, has positioned India as a (so-called) reliable ally. The party’s official stance has often praised India as a good neighbour, emphasizing economic cooperation, security collaboration, and regional stability. India has played a key role in supporting Hasina’s administration, both diplomatically and politically, especially in its efforts to suppress dissidents and maintain stability for her government.
Despite this narrative, there has been growing discontent within Bangladesh regarding the nature of the India-Bangladesh relationship. Many Bangladeshis, especially the youth, believe that the benefits of this alliance have disproportionately favoured India. Trade deficits, unresolved water disputes like the Teesta River issue, routine border killings by the Indian security force, transit facilities, and a perception that India interferes in Bangladesh’s domestic affairs, have fueled this disillusionment.
For instance, the construction of dams and barrages on rivers shared between India and Bangladesh has had devastating impacts on the agricultural economy and ecology of Bangladesh. Many youths feel that the Awami League government has failed to protect Bangladesh’s national interests in these negotiations, leading to a growing perception that the ruling party is overly reliant on and subservient to India.
Moreover, events like the abrogation of Article 370 in Kashmir, the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), and the National Register of Citizens (NRC) in India have further fueled these sentiments. Furthermore, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)’s leaders are always spreading hate rhetoric against Bangladeshi Muslims. Many young Bangladeshis view these actions as part of a broader agenda of marginalizing Muslims in the Indian subcontinent, and this has resonated deeply within Bangladesh’s Islamic landscape.
Furthermore, the perception that India has played a role in propping up the Awami League government through its influence over elections and internal politics has alienated many young Bangladeshis. This sentiment has been exacerbated by India’s close relationship with the West and its growing stature as a regional hegemon, which contrasts sharply with Bangladesh’s more modest global standing.
While historical animosities between Bangladesh and Pakistan run deep due to the atrocities of the 1971 Liberation War, a curious shift has occurred in recent years. Pakistan, once viewed with hostility, especially by the pre-71 generation, has seen a resurgence in its appeal among the post-71 Bangladeshi youth.
This newfound affinity for Pakistan can be attributed to several factors. Firstly, Pakistan’s growing engagement with the Muslim world, particularly in terms of its diplomatic and military relations with major Islamic countries, resonates with Bangladesh’s increasingly religious youth. Secondly, Pakistan’s resistance to Indian influence on the global stage is viewed positively by those in Bangladesh who perceive India as an overbearing neighbour.
The influence of social media cannot be overlooked either. The Pakistani media and its entertainment industry have also found a following among young Bangladeshis, creating a subtle yet significant shift in perceptions. Many youths, disillusioned with what they perceive as Bangladesh’s unequal relationship with India, see Pakistan as a counterweight to India’s influence in the region.
The rise of Islamic forces in Bangladesh is another key factor contributing to the growing anti-India sentiment. In recent years, Bangladesh has witnessed a significant increase in the influence of Islamist political parties and religious groups. These groups, often critical of India’s treatment of its Muslim population, particularly in Kashmir and the northeastern states, have positioned themselves as defenders of Muslim identity both at home and abroad.
Islamist political groups like Jamaat-e-Islami, Islami Andolon Bangladesh, etc and Islamic Movement groups like Hefazat Islam, Bangladesh Khilafat Majlis,etc have historically opposed close relations with India, viewing it as a Hindu-majority nation that undermines Muslim interests. As these groups gain more traction among the youth, their anti-India rhetoric has found a receptive audience. In particular, the rise of conservative Islam in Bangladesh has deepened the divide between the secular and religious factions of society, with the latter increasingly adopting a more critical stance toward India.
Moreover, events like the abrogation of Article 370 in Kashmir, the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), and the National Register of Citizens (NRC) in India have further fueled these sentiments. Furthermore, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)’s leaders are always spreading hate rhetoric against Bangladeshi Muslims. Many young Bangladeshis view these actions as part of a broader agenda of marginalizing Muslims in the Indian subcontinent, and this has resonated deeply within Bangladesh’s Islamic landscape.
The growing anti-India sentiment among Bangladeshi youths represents a significant turning point in the country’s political and social landscape. As historical ties with India weaken and disillusionment with the current government’s policies deepen, many youths are turning to alternative ideologies, including Islamic nationalism and even a renewed interest in Pakistan.
This shift has profound implications not only for Bangladesh but for the entire South Asian region. India must recalibrate its approach to Bangladesh, recognizing that a generation disillusioned with its policies could lead to a weakening of diplomatic ties and the emergence of a more adversarial relationship in the future.
Staged Elections
By: Javed Iqbal | October 05, 2024
To hoodwink the world community into believing in its false narrative of normalization, the Modi led regime recently staged a drama of elections in IIOJ&K. In an environment of fear and chaos created through heavy militarization, how can democratic processes take place? To manage results of the elections, the BJP government carried out measures like demographic changes and gerrymandering, leading to the marginalization of Kashmiris and favoring Hindus in IIOJK.
Majority of Kashmiris perceived these elections as a military exercise rather than an electoral process. Kashmiris, sensing that the outcome of elections would neither reflect their aspirations nor address their genuine issues, preferred boycott. The voter turnout in the second phase of Jammu and Kashmir assembly elections has significantly decreased as compared to the 2014 elections, falling from 52.14 percent to 22.33 percent in the 2024 election. Out of the 26 assembly segments that went to polls, 20 registered a lower turnout than in 2014.
The overall turnout for the second phase stood at 56.05 percent, lower than the 60 percent recorded in 2014 across the six districts involved. Budgam saw a drop from 66.32 percent in 2014 to 51.13 percent in 2024 while Chrar-e-Sharief witnessed a 15 percent decrease, from 82.44 percent to 67.44 percent. Budhal had a similar decline, from 82.50 percent to 68.58 percent. Habbakadal’s turnout also plummeted to 18.39 percent. The lowest voter turnout is recorded in Srinagar, from 52.14 percent in 2014 to 22.33 percent in the recent elections.
The Kashmiris’ decision to boycott elections is the recognition of the fact that all powers are already centralized with the Lieutenant Governor.
The low voter turnout indicates that Kashmiri people have largely rejected the Indian government’s claim of normalcy and acceptance of their policies. This decline in election participation also reflects ongoing dissatisfaction and resistance to the political changes imposed in Jammu and Kashmir post 2019. The Kashmiris’ decision to boycott elections is the recognition of the fact that all powers are already centralized with the Lieutenant Governor, leaving them with little influence.
Majority of the residents expressed frustration with the central administration’s management of Jammu and Kashmir post-revocation of special status. It is high time that the global community supported the cause of Kashmiri people, enabled Kashmiris to challenge Indian forces’ oppressive measures and advocated their right to self-determination. Farcical elections in IIOJK is a blatant attempt to legitimize India’s illegal occupation and suppress the Kashmiri people’s right to self-determination. The world must recognize the farce of these elections and hold India accountable for its human rights abuses and committing war crimes in the valley. The Jammu and Kashmir issue is an internationally recognized dispute that must be resolved in accordance with the United Nation Security Council resolutions and the wishes of the Kashmiri people.
The Vicious Nexus
By: Omay Aimen | October 05, 2024
An incident that began as a minor dispute on July 7th, 2024 turned into a tragedy that would have ramifications throughout Pakistan’s socio-political landscape. The stabbing of Gilaman Wazir, a respected figure in the Pashtun Tahafuz Movement (PTM), by a Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) supporter, Azad Dawar, resulted in Gilaman’s death on 11th July, setting off a series of events that further polarized the situation. In the following days, the PTM, led by Manzoor Pashteen, seized upon this tragedy to push its agenda, culminating in the announcement of a grand gathering termed the “Pushtun Qaumi Adalat” (PQA), scheduled for 11th October 2024. The real tragedy is not just the senseless loss of life, but also the manipulation of this incident to advance an agenda that seeks discord rather than peace.
The death of Gilaman Wazir may seem like a tragic yet isolated incident. Pakistan’s tribal areas have been afflicted with a complex web of personal, tribal, and political tensions for a long time, highlighting the larger implications.
Despite efforts to integrate these regions through initiatives like the FATA-KP merger and development projects like the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), the deep-rooted inter-tribal rivalries and occasional violent clashes continue to fester. The incident between Gilaman and Azad, which occurred during a cricket match, shows how personal conflicts can quickly turn deadly in this volatile environment. However, the PTM’s decision to exploit this tragedy, by falsely linking Azad to Pakistan’s intelligence agencies, reflects a deliberate strategy to divert attention from the real issues plaguing the Pashtun people.
Pakistan faces a dual threat from terrorism and ethno-political movements.
In the days following Gilaman’s funeral, which was attended by more than 40,000 people, the PTM leadership, particularly Manzoor Pashteen, began using the death as a rallying cry to stoke the flames of division. Instead of addressing the systemic challenges facing the Pashtun people, such as marginalization, lack of education and economic opportunity, the PTM has consistently focused on stoking hatred against Pakistan’s security forces. Instead of promoting justice and reconciliation, the Pushtun Qaumi Adalat announcement seems to be yet another way for the PTM to advance its own agenda.
Their consistent targeting of the military and law enforcement agencies, often through rhetoric that echoes the sentiments of terrorist organizations like Fitna Al Khwarij (FAK), suggests a troubling nexus between these groups. The PTM’s refusal to condemn FAK’s violent attacks, coupled with their vocal criticism of the military’s counter-terrorism operations, raises serious concerns about their true intentions. Presenting themselves as champions of Pashtun rights, PTM leaders such as Manzoor Pashteen and Mohsin Dawar have turned local grievances into political currency, while touting the sacrifices of Pakistan’s security forces to bring peace to the tribal areas.
The PTM’s underlying motives are further revealed by the use of symbolic gestures like draping Gilaman Wazir’s coffin with an Afghan Flag. In a region where the Afghan Taliban has banned the display of the Afghan flag, PTM’s decision to use the symbol is a blatant violation of Pakistan’s sovereignty. The involvement of external actors, particularly India’s intelligence agency RAW, in supporting both PTM and FAK adds another layer of complexity to this already volatile situation.
The comparison between PTM and FAK, though uncomfortable, is essential to understanding the larger strategy at play. While the FAK uses direct violence such as terrorist attacks and suicide bombings to destabilize Pakistan, the PTM uses a subtler approach, using political and social influence to undermine state institutions.
The dual strategy employed by these groups represents a concerted effort to weaken Pakistan from within. This collaboration is evident in events such as the Bannu Attack in July 2024, where PTM protests following FAK Attack, suggesting a symbiotic relationship between the two groups. Capitalizing on the unrest caused by FAK violence, the PTM is positioning itself as the voice of the oppressed, while pushing the same agenda of destabilization.
The series of violence and protests from the Khar Qamar incident in 2019 to the Bannu unrest in 2024 shows a clear pattern. The FAK attacked, law enforcement responded, and the PTM seized the opportunity to protest, accusing the military for human rights abuses. This concerted effort not only diverts attention from the real problem of terrorism but also undermines Pakistan’s counter-terrorism efforts.
The lack of condemnation from the PTM leaders despite the increase in terrorist incidents speaks volumes about their priorities and intent. Instead of standing with the people of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, who are victims of terrorism, the PTM leadership has chosen to capitalize on their suffering for political gain, all to promote a narrative which serves the interests of external actors like RAW.
Pakistan faces a dual threat from terrorism and ethno-political movements, such as the PTM, which exploit local grievances to advance a broader agenda. PTM’s alliance with FAK, which is supported by questionable NGOs and foreign agencies, threatens national security. To combat this, policy makers must not only eliminate terrorism but also expose the tactics of groups like the PTM. Addressing the root causes of tribal discontent and strengthening local institutions are key to breaking the cycle of violence and unrest in these regions.
Is democracy a mirage in Kashmir?
By: Rakhshanda Mehtab| October 05, 2024
The election phase of the state assembly elections in Indian Occupied Jammu and Kashmir (IIOJ&K) has been completed on 1st October. However, this event is shrouded in controversy and skepticism. These elections happened five years after the BJP government took direct control of the region by suspending the state legislature. This move has raised questions on the fairness and true purpose of these elections.
The total population of Jammu & Kashmir is approximately 15 million, but there are significant disparities in the region. The Kashmir Valley with the population of 8.9 Million, is predominantly Muslims, while Jammu, with 6.1 Million residents has a Hindu majority.
The recent electoral process, involving 8.8 million voters, is seen by many as a “sham” and a cosmetic exercise, designed to create a false sense of normalcy and legitimacy in the region.
In recent years, there have been significant demographic changes in Jammu. The government has issued 3.2 million domicile certificates to non-residents, which was a delibrate attempt to reduce the Muslim majority in the Kashmir Valley.
The BJP has also brought forward several proxy parties to divide the Muslim vote.
Moreover, the state assembly seats have been unfairly increased, with Jammu gaining six new seats while the Kashmir Valley only got one. This political map change favors the Hindu-majority areas. Critics argued that this gerrymandering, which involved redrawing of 22 constituencies, has undermined the democratic process and skewed the political balance in the region.
The allocation of five seats to the Lt Governor for nomination, including three for migrants and two for Pandits, increased chances of manipulative space for BJP. This, coupled with the fact that 81.25 percent of Scheduled Caste (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST) seats are in Jammu, enhances the potential for managing a majority in the elections.
The elections in Jammu & Kashmir were conducted in a heavily militarized environment, with around one million security forces deployed, making the process resemble a military exercise rather than a democratic one.
Moreover, the extensive administrative powers given to the Lt Governor, including control over police, public order, and all India service transfers and postings, significantly limit the powers of the newly elected Chief Minister. Adding to this, the fact that the last census was conducted in 2011 and no fresh census has been carried out in over 13 years further exposes the myth of stability in IIOJK.
The BJP has also brought forward several proxy parties to divide the Muslim vote. Out of 908 candidates contesting the elections, over 40 percent were independents, many of whom are believed to be backed by the BJP and security forces to split the Muslim vote. This manipulation of the electoral process raises serious concerns about the fairness of the elections.
Indian authorities have always used tactics such as arbitrary arrests, prolonged detentions, and pressure to coerce All Parties Hurriyat Conference (APHC) leaders into abandoning their stance or diluting their demands. The APHC is banned, and approximately 48 leaders are in illegal custody, imprisoned under stringent laws like the Public Safety Act (PSA) and the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA), which allow for detention without trial. This lack of level playing field further questions the legitimacy of the elections.
While Modi urged the Kashmiris to vote for “Strengthening the Festival of Democarcy”, the tactics employed by the BJP government itself fly in the face of the principles of democracy. The international community must recognize the need for a UN-supervised plebiscite to truly resolve the Kashmir issue in accordance with the wishes of its people. Until then, any electoral exercise in the region will remain under a cloud of doubt and skepticism.
SCO trade ministers moot
By: Muhammad Zahid Rifat | October 05, 2024
SHANGHAI Cooperation Organization is an important, active representative regional body. The SCO is a Eurasian political, economic, international security and defence organization which was established by China and Russia in 2001. It is the world’s largest regional organization in terms of geographic scope and population-wise, covering approximately as much as 80 per cent of the area of Eurasia and 40 per cent of the population. As of 2023, its combined Gross Domestic Product (GDP) was around 32 percent of the world’s total.
The SCO is the successor to the Shanghai Five which was formed in 1996 between the Peoples’ Republic of China, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Russia and Tajikistan. In June 2001, the leaders of these countries and Uzbekistan met in Shanghai to announced a new organization with deeper political and economic cooperation. In June 2017, It was expanded to eight states, with India and Pakistan. Iran joined the group \in July 2023 followed by Belarus one year later in 2024. A number of countries are engaged as observer or dialogue partners. The SCO is governed by the Heads of State Council which is its supreme decision-making body and meets once a year.
Without going into further details, it may be mentioned here that Pakistan is going to host SCO Summit on 15 and 16 October 2024 for which brisk preparations were being made by all official quarters concerned in Islamabad. Prior to the SCO Summit next month, two related meetings have also been held. 47th meeting of the Commission of senior officials of SCO member States and 23rd meeting of the SCO member states ministers responsible for foreign, economic and trade activities. Both these meetings were held in Islamabad.Pakistan hosted the 23rd meeting of the SCO member states ministers responsible for foreign, economic and trade activities in its capacity as the Chair of the SCO Council of Heads of Governments, the second highest forum of the organization. Welcoming the delegates from PSCO member states on the occasion, Commerce Minister Jam Kamal Khan availed the opportunity to reiterate yet another time Pakistan’s firm commitment to the laudable aims and objectives of the SCO for promoting peace and prosperity in the region. While acknowledging the global economic challenges facing the region, he emphasized the vital role which SCO can play in addressing these issues through cooperation and constructive mutual engagement.
The gathering was emphatically conveyed Pakistan’s strong commitment and willingness to contribute to and collaborate with all SCO member states to achieve the shared goals. He urged the gathering to seize the opportunity and forge stronger partnerships, enhancing regional cooperation and paving the way for a brighter and more prosperous future for all the peoples of the region. The SCO Ministers in their national statements on the occasion deliberated in detail and shared their views on the prospects and measures to further deepen the economic and trade cooperation among the SCO countries. After due deliberations, the SCO member States decided to establish a Database for Economic Preferences for the SCO which will act as a comprehensive resource for the member states to access the information on economic incentivand preferences within the bloc fostering a more cohesive business environment.
Availing the opportunity of presence of SCO Ministers in Islamabad, the Federation of Pakistan Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FPCCI) hosted a two days “Business and Investment Conference.” on the sidelines of the SCO ministerial moot. During the deliberations, speakers highlighted the immense potential which existed among the SCO countries for initiating and launching joint ventures in multiple sectors for their mutual benefits. It is quite appreciable and worth highlighting here that Pakistan is not only attending and participating in the international conferences and moots around the world but also hosting important gatherings from time to time such as the upcoming SCO Summit.Such interactions with friendly countries’ top leadership and ministers go a long way in promoting, strengthening relations with friendly countries and go a long way in increasing the cooperation in different sectors for mutual benefits. All eyes as such are now at PSO Summit to be held in the Convention Centre in Islamabad on 15 and 16 October 2024 which will be participated by number of top leaders from PSO member countries.
Promoting Moscow-Islamabad Relations
By: Muhammad Zahid Raffat | October 01, 2024
Pakistan has consistently pursued a foreign policy of friendship and goodwill towards all nations, without harbouring aggressive intentions, as envisioned by Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah. Both civil and military leadership frequently visit friendly countries worldwide to engage with top leaders and enhance mutually beneficial bilateral cooperation across various sectors. Similarly, Pakistan warmly welcomes foreign leaders, taking measures to strengthen existing ties.
Russian Deputy Prime Minister Alexey Overchuk’s recent two-day goodwill visit to Pakistan was aimed at holding discussions with senior civil and military leaders, exchanging views on further enhancing bilateral relations, and exploring untapped sectors for cooperation.
After a warm welcome from Deputy Prime Minister Senator Muhammad Ishaq Dar, the visiting Russian Deputy PM, accompanied by a delegation, embarked on a hectic schedule in the federal capital. This demonstrated Russia’s keenness to improve existing bilateral relations and boost trade with Pakistan. Overchuk was in Islamabad to explore opportunities for cooperation across multiple sectors.
During delegation-level talks led by the two DPMs, Overchuk expressed Russia’s support for Pakistan’s inclusion in BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa), reflecting Moscow’s willingness to strengthen ties. Earlier discussions between the two leaders focused on expanding economic relations between Pakistan and Russia. Pakistan emphasised its view of Russia as a key player in West, South, and Central Asia, with strengthening mutually beneficial relations as a priority in its foreign policy.
Overchuk, for his part, discussed the prospects of collaboration between Pakistan and the Eurasian Economic Union, which includes Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Russia. The two sides explored the potential for a free trade agreement, with indications of further discussions to finalise the deal.
Following these talks, Pakistan and Russia agreed to enhance dialogue and cooperation in various sectors, including trade, industry, energy, connectivity, science and technology, and education. Overchuk also met President Asif Ali Zardari to exchange views on bilateral relations, expressing Russia’s interest in collaborating on food security and educational initiatives. A 75-member Pakistani business delegation is scheduled to visit Russia in October to explore further economic cooperation.
Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, during his meeting with Overchuk, reiterated that strengthening ties with Russia is a priority for Pakistan’s foreign policy. He emphasised the country’s eagerness to expand trade, economic, energy, connectivity, and security cooperation with Russia. Reports indicate that the PM expressed his anticipation of welcoming Russian Prime Minister Mikhail Mishustin to Islamabad next month for the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) summit and conveyed his gratitude to President Vladimir Putin for sending a high-level delegation.
PM Shehbaz Sharif later witnessed the signing of a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between the two countries, focusing on cooperation in agriculture, education, railways, science and technology, food security, and promoting stronger people-to-people connections.
The Russian delegation also met with Army Chief General Asim Munir, discussing the expansion of security and defence cooperation. Both sides expressed satisfaction with the ongoing collaboration in these areas.
Overall, the visit of Russian Deputy Prime Minister Alexey Overchuk and his delegation bodes well for promoting and strengthening bilateral relations. Such high-level exchanges contribute significantly to enhancing ties between the two friendly nations. Follow-up actions on MoUs and agreements are crucial to ensuring their successful implementation and fostering long-term cooperation.
Anti-India Sentiment Rising in Bangladesh
By: M A Hossain | October 01, 2024
Over the past decade, there has been a noticeable shift in the political and social mindset of Bangladesh’s youth. What was once a close and collaborative relationship between Bangladesh and India has gradually evolved into one marked by skepticism, dissatisfaction, and, at times, outright hostility. Anti-India sentiment has surged among younger generations, fueled by several factors, including historical grievances, contemporary politics, and the growing influence of religious and nationalistic ideologies.
India played a crucial role in Bangladesh’s independence from Pakistan in 1971. Its support, both militarily and diplomatically, was instrumental in the success of the Liberation War, which ended with the formation of an independent Bangladesh. In the years immediately following independence, the relationship between the two countries was generally positive. Shared cultural ties, linguistic affinities, and common geopolitical interests helped solidify this partnership.
However, over time, this relationship has been marked by periods of strain. Issues such as water-sharing disputes, trade imbalances, border security concerns, and accusations of India’s meddling in Bangladesh’s domestic politics have fostered a sense of unease. Many in Bangladesh feel that while their country benefited greatly from Indian support during its liberation, India has not always been a fair and equal partner in subsequent years. This sentiment has, in particular, grown stronger among the younger generation, who did not witness the Liberation War and are more influenced by current political realities than by the historical ties between the two nations.
For the last 15 years, the Awami League government, under the leadership of Sheikh Hasina, has positioned India as a (so-called) reliable ally. The party’s official stance has often praised India as a good neighbor, emphasizing economic cooperation, security collaboration, and regional stability. India has played a key role in supporting Hasina’s administration, both diplomatically and politically, especially in its efforts to suppress dissidents and maintain stability for her government.
Despite this narrative, there has been growing discontent within Bangladesh regarding the nature of the India-Bangladesh relationship. Many Bangladeshis, especially the youth, believe that the benefits of this alliance have disproportionately favored India. Trade deficits, unresolved water disputes like the Teesta River issue, routine border killings by the Indian security force, transit facilities, and a perception that India interferes in Bangladesh’s domestic affairs have fueled this disillusionment.
For instance, the construction of dams and barrages on rivers shared between India and Bangladesh has had devastating impacts on the agricultural economy and ecology of Bangladesh. Many youths feel that the Awami League government has failed to protect Bangladesh’s national interests in these negotiations, leading to a growing perception that the ruling party is overly reliant on and subservient to India.
Furthermore, the perception that India has played a role in propping up the Awami League government through its influence over elections and internal politics has alienated many young Bangladeshis. This sentiment has been exacerbated by India’s close relationship with the West and its growing stature as a regional hegemon, which contrasts sharply with Bangladesh’s more modest global standing.
While historical animosities between Bangladesh and Pakistan run deep due to the atrocities of the 1971 Liberation War, a curious shift has occurred in recent years. Pakistan, once viewed with hostility, especially by the pre-71 generation, has seen a resurgence in its appeal among the post-71 Bangladeshi youth. This newfound affinity for Pakistan can be attributed to several factors. Firstly, Pakistan’s growing engagement with the Muslim world, particularly in terms of its diplomatic and military relations with major Islamic countries, resonates with Bangladesh’s increasingly religious youth. Secondly, Pakistan’s resistance to Indian influence on the global stage is viewed positively by those in Bangladesh who perceive India as an overbearing neighbor.
The influence of social media cannot be overlooked either. The Pakistani media and its entertainment industry have also found a following among young Bangladeshis, creating a subtle yet significant shift in perceptions. Many youths, disillusioned with what they perceive as Bangladesh’s unequal relationship with India, see Pakistan as a counterweight to India’s influence in the region. The rise of Islamic forces in Bangladesh is another key factor contributing to the growing anti-India sentiment. In recent years, Bangladesh has witnessed a significant increase in the influence of Islamist political parties and religious groups. These groups, often critical of India’s treatment of its Muslim population, particularly in Kashmir and the northeastern states, have positioned themselves as defenders of Muslim identity both at home and abroad. Islamist political groups like Jamaat-e-Islami, Islami Andolon Bangladesh, etc and Islamic Movement groups like Hefazat Islam, Bangladesh Khilafat Majlis,etc have historically opposed close relations with India, viewing it as a Hindu-majority nation that undermines Muslim interests. As these groups gain more traction among the youth, their anti-India rhetoric has found a receptive audience. In particular, the rise of conservative Islam in Bangladesh has deepened the divide between the secular and religious factions of society, with the latter increasingly adopting a more critical stance toward India.
Moreover, events like the abrogation of Article 370 in Kashmir, the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA), and the National Register of Citizens (NRC) in India have further fueled these sentiments. Furthermore, the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP)’s leaders are always spreading hate rhetoric against Bangladeshi Muslims. Many young Bangladeshis view these actions as part of a broader agenda of marginalizing Muslims in the Indian subcontinent, and this has resonated deeply within Bangladesh’s Islamic landscape.
The growing anti-India sentiment among Bangladeshi youths represents a significant turning point in the country’s political and social landscape. As historical ties with India weaken and disillusionment with the current government’s policies deepen, many youths are turning to alternative ideologies, including Islamic nationalism and even a renewed interest in Pakistan.
This shift has profound implications not only for Bangladesh but for the entire South Asian region. India must recalibrate its approach to Bangladesh, recognizing that a generation disillusioned with its policies could lead to a weakening of diplomatic ties and the emergence of a more adversarial relationship in the future.
Lessons from a timeless friendship
By: Ahsan Iqbal | October 01, 2024
As we celebrate China’s National Day today, it is a moment to reflect on the time-tested and steadfast friendship between Pakistan and China. For over seven decades, our nations have enjoyed a unique bond rooted in mutual trust, goodwill, and a shared vision of prosperity.
From early diplomatic ties to strategic alliances, the China-Pakistan relationship has evolved to encompass deep economic cooperation, exemplified by the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC).
The evolution of CPEC – a new geo-economic landscape: The China-Pakistan Economic Corridor, a flagship project under President Xi Jinping’s visionary Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), marks a significant shift in our bilateral relations, transforming them from a traditional geo-political partnership to one centered on geo-economic cooperation. CPEC is more than just an infrastructure project; it represents a new paradigm that emphasizes economic connectivity, regional integration, and shared prosperity.
At its core, CPEC aligns with President Xi’s vision of promoting global peace, stability, and harmony through enhanced economic ties and development. Under the BRI, China aims to create a network of economic corridors that foster cooperation, trade, and connectivity across regions, making CPEC a crucial pillar in this global vision.
CPEC’s role in regional connectivity and economic cooperation: Since its inception, CPEC has played an instrumental role in promoting regional connectivity and cooperation. Through massive infrastructure projects, including highways, energy plants, and ports, CPEC has not only strengthened Pakistan’s economy but also contributed to the larger goal of poverty reduction and economic growth across the region. Gwadar Port, for instance, is now poised to become a hub of trade, connecting South Asia with Central Asia and beyond.
CPEC Phase 1, completed successfully, has already contributed significantly to Pakistan’s socioeconomic development. The projects undertaken, such as the Sukkur-Multan Motorway and numerous power plants, have helped alleviate chronic energy shortages, improved road networks, and created thousands of jobs. These early projects were largely based on government-to-government (G2G) cooperation, laying the groundwork for the country’s economic revival.
CPEC Phase 2.0 – embracing business-to-business cooperation: As we move into the next phase of CPEC (CPEC 2.0), the focus is expanding from G2G collaboration to greater Business-to-Business (B2B) partnerships. While G2G projects will continue, the next phase seeks to leverage private sector investments, especially in the fields of industrial cooperation, agriculture, technology, and tourism.
Pakistan and China are already in discussions on several projects, including the establishment of Special Economic Zones (SEZs), which will drive industrialization and job creation. In particular, SEZs such as Rashakai, Dhabeji, and Allama Iqbal Industrial City are expected to generate over a million jobs. These SEZs are designed to attract both Pakistani and Chinese investors, enabling technology transfer and capacity building, thus providing an avenue for Pakistan’s industrial and economic uplift.
China’s success and lessons for Pakistan: China’s rapid socioeconomic transformation offers invaluable lessons for Pakistan. In a few decades, China lifted more than 800 million people out of poverty – an achievement that stands unparalleled in human history. This success is rooted in China’s focus on long-term planning, political stability, continuity of policies, and ongoing reforms.
For Pakistan to follow a similar path, we must internalize these lessons. Our development strategy must centre on peace, stability, and continuity of policies, which are key factors for economic growth. Pakistan’s leadership is committed to implementing reforms that align with the five new corridors suggested by President Xi, including the Growth Corridor, Livelihood Corridor, Green Corridor, Innovation Corridor, and Inclusivity Corridor.
Pakistan’s 5Es and the future of CPEC: Under the leadership of Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif, Pakistan’s development strategy is centered on the ‘5Es Framework’, focusing on Exports, e-Pakistan, Environment, Energy, and Equity & Empowerment. This framework aligns seamlessly with the new phase of CPEC and the broader goals of the BRI, ensuring that both countries mutually benefit from high-quality development initiatives.
The 5Es framework will enhance Pakistan’s export potential, modernize its energy infrastructure, and promote digital transformation (e-Pakistan). Environmental sustainability is also a key focus, with green development and renewable energy projects playing a central role in CPEC 2.0. Moreover, the equity and inclusivity agenda ensures that the benefits of development reach every corner of Pakistan, from urban centres to rural areas.
The road ahead – ensuring a win-win future: As we look towards the future, Pakistan and China are poised to deepen their economic and strategic cooperation even further. CPEC represents a ‘win-win’ partnership that will continue to unlock new opportunities for both countries. By aligning our economic goals with China’s Belt and Road vision, Pakistan is positioned to become a hub of regional connectivity, trade, and prosperity.
Pakistan’s leadership is committed to sustaining this momentum. With political stability, policy continuity, and a focus on human capital development, we can realize the full potential of CPEC and ensure that this vital partnership brings lasting benefits to both nations.
As we celebrate China’s National Day, we are reminded of the strength of our bond and the shared future that awaits us. Together, we will continue to write a new chapter of prosperity and development, ensuring that the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor remains a cornerstone of peace, stability, and economic growth in the region.
Industrial roadmap for Pakistan: Part – I
By: Humayun Akhtar Khan | October 01, 2024
For decades, Pakistan has made efforts to attain macro stability. Yet, it is far from achieving it. Short-term measures such as debt rollovers and control of imports have given brief periods of external stability, but they are not sustainable.
In my recent columns, I have stressed the need for an overhaul in the government of Pakistan’s approach to the economy. The government must rectify past policy mistakes and commit itself to a growth strategy. It must also steadily reduce our over reliance on outside help.
A key component of the growth strategy should be to promote industrialization. I have shared before an outline of such a programme. In this column, I spell out the strategy in some detail.
Industrialization is important as it has a proven link with growth. The path is structural transformation, which spurs the economy into producing new and more complex goods. The private and public sectors work together in a planned way for the economy to progress from low tech to higher tech goods.
For a few decades, Pakistan’s industry has been in decline both in quantity and quality. In the 1960s, Pakistan’s exports were more sophisticated than that of Thailand and Sri Lanka. It is now well behind.
Data shows that Pakistan’s share of manufacturing in GDP is about 13 per cent. India is marginally higher, but the ratio of Thailand, Vietnam and Bangladesh range between 22 and 25 per cent. In terms of investment or gross fixed capital formation, at 12 per cent of GDP, Pakistan is way behind the above economies. India, BD, Vietnam and Thailand have ratios ranging between 23 and 31 per cent of GDP.
Pakistan has lost rank in many other areas. Economic complexity is one such measure. Simply said, it is a holistic measure of society’s knowledge that translates into the kind of goods it makes. MIT’s Media Lab and Harvard’s Kennedy School jointly developed the index. The correlation between economic complexity and GDP/capita is almost perfect. In 2021, Pakistan ranked 94th in the world. India was at 42, Thailand at 23 and China was 18. Vietnam was at 61.
Pakistan has also fallen in the WEF’s competitiveness and UNDP’s HDI indices. Labour productivity too has dropped in Pakistan. The latter is an indicator of the economy’s ability to produce more goods from the same unit of input.
In sum, Pakistan’s industry is in a dire state. There are many areas to focus on for the industry to progress. It is up to our leaders to imagine policies that create national prosperity. It is not something that is inherited or gifted. A continuation of the government’s policy of the last decade, of piling debt on debt, would only make things worse.
Pakistan needs a well-thought-out industrial policy for going up the value chain which enables our goods to compete globally for export. The industrial policy would be a long-term plan to continuously upgrade production and boost exports.
For an economy that currently produces low-tech products, the move up of industry has to be gradual. At present, we do not have the human and physical capital to support production of complex goods. Nor does the government offer enough tech support through R&D and training. On select occasions, firms may also need preferential credit or matching public investment, say in logistics.
All the above must be parts of an industrial policy – to be used as needed. The change will come through a coordinated set of public and private investments with improved rules and regulations in support of businesses.
Given Pakistan’s present fiscal constraints, the effort would have to be modest in the beginning. The government may not be able to improve public goods adequately to meet the needs of firms. Though even basic effort to help with the most critical inputs would make exports and jobs grow. One key step is to establish what the most critical inputs are. The government must have a robust institutional setup to identify what is most needed in consultation with the private sector.
In this column, I do not recommend specific measures or which industry to support. It is important to view industrial policy as a stimulus for structural change rather than promotion of a specific industry. And it is certainly not for specific firms. That would be cronyism.
Today, I discuss industrial policy’s role in transforming industry. Later, we will look at its role in the IT and agriculture sectors. Though most associated with East Asia, public support for private production has a long history in Europe and the US. More recently also, after a period of following the neo-liberal path, the US, UK and EU have embraced industrial policy. It is central to ‘Bidenomics’ as well as to the US’s huge arms industry. The EU too is eager to close the economic gap with US and China. A recent competitiveness report led by Mr Mario Draghi calls for massive increase in public and private investment.
Industrialization does not occur in one single burst. It is a thorough step-by-step process. Government assistance is a process of discovery, by finding out why investors are shy of producing new products or why they cannot export those goods that they produce already. There are uncertainties that, in the eyes of the investor, prevent the firm from becoming profitable. The government and the private sector must combine to detect these hurdles and remove them.
The economy’s present weakness is a major uncertainty for firms. Also, changes in rules such as import control or increase in import tax is another source of unease. Firms also worry about their ability to adapt new technologies to local conditions.
Some new products need coordinated public investment for success. Cut flower or meat exporters need reliable cold chain logistics, without which they cannot transport their goods to the port. There is also the fear of imitation by other firms. The pioneering firm assumes all the risks of making a new product. Yet, when successful, it must share the profits with the imitating firms. These are manageable risks, but they need careful identification and solutions.
Pakistan has made many mistakes in the past where its support to industry has depleted the economy. That support has not helped with jobs or exports, nor has it enabled our firms to bring in new technology. That is why selection of what help to offer is critical. The government of Pakistan must ensure that its limited funds support those few activities that boost growth and exports most.
Furthermore, contrary to all successful examples of industrial policy, our support to firms is long term or even endless. Either there is no performance criteria or government does not enforce them. That is a loss to the state. Government help to private firms must always have a sunset of a few years. Within this period, firms must become profitable or risk losing support.
Firms must adhere to agreed performance requirements. These may include increase in export, intake of new technology, new jobs or meeting environmental standards. There must be clear benchmarks for the firms and how to measure them.
Government support must preferably go to activities that have positive spillovers. For example, training to improve language skills helps several sectors, tourism, call centres or translation and interpretation. The benefit to the economy would be less if the government gave fiscal incentives to just one of those industries.
To be continued
Obstacles to climate activism in Pakistan
By: Mirza Mujtaba Baig | October 01, 2024
A similar situation was observed in the early 1990s when few people understood environmental pollution, and most considered garbage collection to be the sole responsibility of environmental regulators, which were still in their infancy at the time. However, due to pressure from global importers, export-based industries gradually began to comply with environmental laws to maintain their market share. Additionally, the growing green movement in the media and civil society led local industries to hire environmental consultants to ensure compliance and avoid legal action. While many of these efforts were superficial, the media played a crucial role in raising public awareness about the benefits of a clean environment.
Today, climate change is occurring at a rapid pace, yet institutional responses have been slow. Even the establishment of climate change institutions has been delayed, with a fully-fledged climate change authority being established only recently, seven years after the passage of the first climate change act. While climate change policies and adaptation plans exist at both federal and provincial levels, ground-level implementation remains minimal. Unlike the environmental movement of the past, there is limited awareness and engagement on climate change within civil society beyond superficial support. A few NGOs are working to address the issue, but their outreach is hampered by resource constraints.
The media, while trying its best to highlight the issue, is heavily focused on covering climate disasters, which have become increasingly frequent. This focus leaves little room for discussing climate change mitigation and adaptation strategies. Additionally, the lack of progress at the government level, beyond a few selected projects under Nationally Determined Contributions, limits the media's ability to report on solutions. These projects are primarily focused on demonstrating compliance with the Paris Agreement and securing climate finance.
A significant obstacle to climate activism in Pakistan is the lack of knowledge within civil society about climate change, its causes and its impacts. While people may understand the basic causes and effects, they often rely on climate change experts, who are limited in number and may be reluctant to speak out due to job constraints. This places a heavy burden on a small group of climate activists with expertise in the field.
In Karachi, a group of climate activists has been organising climate marches, but these events have struggled to attract large crowds. Another group is working to mobilise communities to address issues like costly electricity, load-shedding and heatwaves through a transition to renewable energy. However, these efforts face resistance from communities that are more concerned with other pressing issues and are less receptive to climate change solutions.
While the Sindh Forest Department's initiative to generate carbon credits through nature-based solutions is commendable, it highlights the challenges of ensuring climate justice at the community level. Despite the project's significant revenue, the surrounding communities have not received a commensurate share, which constitutes a clear violation of climate justice principles. Although the project proponent claims to have undertaken community development activities, the scale of these efforts is disproportionate to the total earnings. A more engaged and active community, driven by climate activism, could have helped to prevent such disparities.
At the government level, there is a lack of support for fostering climate activism within communities. Instead, government-selected individuals are often provided with climate training to create a false impression of preparedness for collective action against climate change. A small group of climate activists in the city centre has started offering free training, but their efforts have received minimal attention due to the presence of numerous other groups that not only provide training but also pay participants. These paid training programmes attract individuals primarily interested in earning money rather than genuinely contributing to climate action.
Furthermore, unlike other sectors where anyone can contribute to community development, working in the climate sector requires a basic understanding of science to comprehend the relationship between GHG emissions, heat trapping and global warming. Additionally, political awareness is necessary to connect climate issues with broader political challenges, as institutional change requires the involvement of legislators.
In Western countries, the focus has shifted from climate activism to climate actionism, which involves working on the ground to address climate change. In Pakistan, however, climate activism is often limited to criticising the fossil fuel industry and government inaction. A recent campaign by a Karachi-based climate NGO to greenify the city's sole power generation company has faced backlash, highlighting the shortsightedness of many communities and their reluctance to engage in climate action.
The environment of fear in Pakistan, particularly in Karachi, is a major obstacle to climate activism. People are afraid of being labeled as traitors or facing legal action if they speak out for their climate rights. They may not realise that climate activism is essential for climate adaptation and that the city needs a large number of activists to work alongside rescue workers to mitigate the impacts of climate disasters. Without collective action, Pakistan will continue to suffer the consequences of climate change.
To effectively implement climate change mitigation and adaptation measures, the government must prioritise genuine programmes for community mobilisation. These initiatives should not be limited to bureaucratic paperwork but should actively engage with communities. To achieve this, the government should collaborate with genuine NGOs and community groups to promote climate activism and create a second tier of workforce capable of responding to climate crises. Relying solely on government servants may result in administrative efficiency but often falls short in addressing on-the-ground challenges. In such situations, the burden of protecting lives and property may fall disproportionately on a few philanthropic organisations.
Bangladesh crisis and its implications for Pakistan
By: Nomeen Kassi | October 01, 2024
History is filled with many fatal uprisings and revolutions, each for different reasons, carrying different outcomes and lessons. The French Revolution shook the monarchs of Europe. Additionally, history is replete with anti-revolutionary movements and individuals like Klemens von Metternich of Austria, who aimed to uphold supremacy of monarchy and suppress revolutionary uprisings in Europe. Despite these efforts, revolutions have always prevailed and succeeded. Revolutions are like fire; they start with a small spark and then spread quickly, covering a large area, completely changing everything their path. This is the nature of revolutions. They begin with a spark and spread quickly. A small uprising can transform into a revolution, completely changing the system. The recent uprising in Bangladesh is a perfect example. A protest against the system led to the prime minister and government’s overthrow.
Sheikh Hasina Wazed, the longest-standing prime minister of Bangladesh, confronted the protests from the student union. She is the daughter of Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rahman, who played a key role in the formation of Bangladesh in 1971. Initially, the anti-government protests began in July among university students. In the beginning, re were peaceful protests against the quota system in civil service jobs. Relatives of veterans from Bangladesh’s 1971 independence war occupied one-third of these jobs. Although most of the demands were met, these peaceful protests turned into wider and more violent demonstrations. During the state’s suppression, more than 300 individuals lost their lives in these uprisings.
According to the World Bank FY 2022-23), Bangladesh was one of the fastest-growing economies in South Asia the world, with a growth rate of 7.2% after the global pandemic. The GPD was growing positively, but the economic conditions of the people did not improve, and they were unable to produce the required jobs for around 18 million potential job seekers. The unemployment rate reached 5.1%. Additionally, there was a hike in inflation. As a result of this, students started their agitation, which later on turned violent and toppled the Hasina Regime, forcing her flee from her country.
Among quota issue, another reason for such unrest was the increasing corruption. The prime minister herself was facing the corruption allegations in particular and the government officials at higher ranks in general. While protests were largely due to the quota system, several grievances had built up against the government officials due to corruption allegations, bribery, nepotism, and money laundering charges. As the violence grew, the situation became more unstable and out of control.
The recent events in Bangladesh have had a massive impact on the region. The neighboring countries, such as India and Pakistan, face the same challenges and unemployment issues; therefore, the youth can be easily instrumentalized and mobilized by the political actors for their personal economic and political gains. With increasing technological advancement and the role of social media, the public is more aware of the political and social flux than ever before. Youth today politically more engaged and aware of the changing dynamics, therefore showing more involvement. Bangladesh students’ uprising gives a sense of hope to the youth elsewhere, as they believe they can also bring about a change in the political arena and can be successful. The politicians of Pakistan today concentrate more on their youth followers, knowing the potential they carry. The political parties are trying to gain more youth support as the educated youth can create a sense of change. The unemployed, educated male youth have been historically the initiators of rebellions and uprisings.
Historically, Pakistani politics has been marked by student activism. Even before the partition of the subcontinent, educated male youth played a key role in the struggle for. After the partition, students participated in politics and were key actors in protests against the government. And withbeen ing with the emerging populist leaders. Such events in the neighborhood strengthen the Pakistani youth to stand against the political system and bad governance, which is alarming in the current political and security situations.
The issue arises when these students’ ideologies are unclear, leading them to blindly follow any charismatic leader, failing to address core issues causing political chaos in the country. They fail to address or suggest any political or social reforms. One of the reasons for this could be a lack of knowledge, exclusiveness, and less participation in students’ unions. As a result, students fail to develop and understand the political and social fabric. They are blank in ideology. However, it is impossible to maintain a social and political vacuum for students. The questioning youth is taking a key interest in the situation and demands change. They are the future leaders; hence, they play a significant role in shaping society and the political arena.
To avoid such situations and pseudo-revolutions, engaging the youth in a positive and fruitful way is essential to make them an asset to the country rather than an unwanted, unmanageable political burden. Students’ unions with negative mindsets need to be managed. The student unions based on ethnicities and sectarian basis are more volatile and deserve the attention of the state. For any positive change, they should be encouraged. These unions provide a platform for the youth to raise their voice and contribute to improving governance. Unfortunately, our ethnicity-based students’ union has taken the wrong direction of closing the gates of the institutions, promoting propaganda without ascertaining the truth, and shouting against the perceived wrongdoers. With proper knowledge and guidance, youth can become an important asset to the country and a step towards change against corruption and bad governance. Pakistan can learn from Bangladesh’s experience, such as promoting youth engagement in politics and addressing corruption and unemployment.
China-Pakistan friendship: An unbreakable bond
By: Waqar Hassan | October 01, 2024
“China can give up gold but not its friendship with Pakistan” —Ex-President Hu Jintao.
HAVING a neighbouring country that supports us in all situations is a true blessing in the hostile environment of South Asia. When Pakistan gained independence, it was amidst tense relations with its neighbour, India. Considering this, luck smiled upon Pakistan and made China its neighbour. On September 21, 1949, China came into existence, and its national day was celebrated on October 1, commemorating the establishment of its new government. Since then, the two countries have had an unparalleled bond. Never have the two countries experienced insecurity in their relationship. The diplomatic relations between Pakistan and China were established in 1951. Pakistan and China, despite their diverse cultures, languages, and religions, have fostered an exceptional bond. The connection between the two nations has influenced various realms, such as the economy, politics, strategy, and the global stage.
It is said that borders are the scissors that slice through the beauty of relationships between two countries. Nonetheless, the boundary agreement between the two countries was concluded with mutual consent in 1963. Moreover, through diplomatic efforts, Pakistan played a crucial role in bridging the gap between America and China in 1970, leading to President Nixon’s groundbreaking visit to China. In times of trouble, the friendship between the two countries faced a test. Throughout the 1965 war with India, China remained steadfast in supporting Pakistan. The Chinese government labelled the Indian aggression against Pakistan as “naked aggression” and called for an end to it. After the war, China extended economic aid to Pakistan by offering $60 million in 1965 and military equipment such as tanks and aircraft.
In 2005, the two countries also entered into a treaty of Friendship, Cooperation, and Good neighbourly relations. The two nations improved their geographical connectivity through the construction of the Karakorum Highway, also known as the Friendship Highway, in the 1970s. The construction of this road strengthened the economic and cultural ties between the two countries. Initially, the Karakorum Highway was built to foster mutual advantage by capitalizing on the strategic location of the countries in the region. The scope of strategic connection later expanded to include CPEC, a significant project between Pakistan and China. This project was officially signed by both countries on July 5th, 2013. Once it’s finished, Pakistan will be able to help China reach the Middle East and the Persian Gulf. China needs these strategic linkages to uphold its regional dominance.
CPEC encompasses different phases. The initial phase, known as the short-term phase, began in 2015 and continued until 2020. The medium-term phase, known as the second phase, will span from 2021 to 2025. The long-term phase will last for four years, starting in 2026 and ending in 2030. Chinese investment through CPEC has improved infrastructure, ensured energy projects, promoted highway development, and generated employment opportunities in Pakistan. The Orange Line Train project in Lahore, Punjab is a result of the infrastructural progress made through CPEC.
Furthermore, the mutual technological exchange led to the creation of technology parks in Pakistan. Additionally, mutual trade is also a significant aspect of this relationship. By entering into FTA, the two countries have improved their economies and helped each other. The total trade volume of Pakistan with China stayed at 160 USD million in July 2024. China also extends its military assistance to Pakistan. Through collaboration, the two nations have developed the JF-17 Thunder fighter jet. The depth of the relationship between the two countries is evidenced by their joint military exercises and technology exchange for military purposes. China consistently offers support to Pakistan in economic, strategic, political, and regional matters. Pakistan has also shown unwavering trust in China by granting access to Gwadar port for strategic benefits. Additionally, there are also cultural exchanges that take place between the two countries. Despite the challenges in the region, the determination of the two countries to support each other is a great example. The bond between Pakistan and China is a prime example of strength and coordination, and there are multiple avenues to reinforce this relationship.
To promote harmony, it is essential to enhance the bond between people from both countries. Schools and universities can collaborate on cultural exchange programs to facilitate mutual understanding of cultural norms and values among young people from both nations. To make the most of the expanding cooperation between the two nations, Pakistan needs to concentrate on improving its human resource capabilities. For Pakistan to excel in technology, it is necessary to foster cooperation in the field of science and technology in this context. Moreover, it is crucial to address the terrorism threat in the region effectively. Actively spreading chaos through acts of terrorism, the enemies of both countries seek to weaken the confidence between China and Pakistan. However, it is crucial for the two nations to remain determined in realizing projects that benefit them both.
It is also necessary to debunk all the misinformation about Pakistan’s debt burden. China’s assistance in the financial domain demonstrates its commitment to Pakistan as a true brother. To lighten the load of their trustworthy neighbour, both nations have stayed committed to engaging in acts of brotherhood. Pakistan has consistently offered support to China, going above and beyond, and China has reciprocated that support during challenging times. Both states stand as symbols of strength and protect each other’s national interests. With the continuous growth of the Pakistan-China relationship, it is anticipated that the two nations will greatly collaborate and mutually benefit in all sectors.
Pak-BD new strategic equilibrium, South Asia
By: Brig Tariq Khalil | October 01, 2024
AFTER 55 years, the truth has finally prevailed. Mohammad Ali Jinnah’s anniversary was celebrated in Dhaka, with speeches emphasizing the immense struggle of Bengali Muslims for the creation of Pakistan. The reality is that Pakistan came into being largely due to the efforts of the leadership from Bengal, Bihar and Central Provinces. The speeches in Dhaka underscored the shared bond between Pakistan and Bangladesh, with some speakers even discussing the notion of a common defence against India under a nuclear umbrella.
The political reality is that had there been no Pakistan, there wouldn’t have been any Bangladesh. There is no doubt that India manipulated the events of 1971, taking advantage of the follies of Pakistan’s leadership, which led to naked aggression against a sovereign state. This act was carried out in violation of all norms of international law as well as the Partition Act of 1935. The fact remains that Indian Hindu leadership never anticipated Pakistan’s stability, believing it would not last more than six months. However, the Almighty had His own plans. It should not be forgotten that in 1962, Pakistan had a golden opportunity to take over Kashmir despite having fewer forces. Unfortunately, American pressure on President Ayub (as revealed in declassified documents) prevented him from pursuing this course. Pakistan suffered immensely both strategically and internationally.
Operation Gibraltar was not meant to proceed, yet it went ahead. It was a well-planned operation, but once again, American pressure was responsible for halting it. The operation was stalled due to a change in command. The Indian attack on the borders was anticipated, although Pakistan’s Foreign Minister had assured there would be no attack on the international border. This assurance proved hollow. Pakistan was fully prepared to counter it, effectively nullifying Indian intelligence. India failed to cross the BRB Canal. In the aftermath of the 1965 war, India began planning subversive activities in East Pakistan, having observed during the war that the province was not well protected militarily due to Pakistan’s scarcity of resources. Pakistan had only about five and a half divisions and could not afford to divide its forces between the two wings. This weakness was exploited by the Indians, leading to the Agartala conspiracy.
There is no doubt that Mujib was involved in the Agartala conspiracy alongside India, as later revealed in RAW papers. Unfortunately, West Pakistani politicians, for their short-term gains, released Mujib after the roundtable conference, turning him into a hero in East Pakistan. There is no doubt that in East Pakistan, Martial Law was loosely enforced for multiple reasons, including a lack of law enforcement personnel and the absence of political will. This allowed Mujib Rahman to propagate an ethnic and economic agenda, fuelling sentiments in East Pakistan throughout the year leading up to the elections.
The elections were thoroughly rigged by the Awami League. As the Administrator of Noakhali district, I, the author, witnessed how the Awami League’s manipulation created a false majority. The party harassed other political groups, preventing them from fielding candidates against the Awami League. Muslim League workers were abducted, tortured and their families threatened. We apprehended several Awami League members engaged in these activities. This led to a flawed election result that handed all the seats to the Awami League, against the true wishes of the majority in East Pakistan.
The people of East Pakistan during the period of United Bengal in 1906 struggled to have a separate province by division of Bengal. The massive protests by Hindus in the follow up forced the British to do away partition in 1912. Bengali leadership were politically much more conscious than the Muslims Central and Northern India. They realised that they cannot win the battle alone. In 1906 Muslim League was formed in Dhaka and struggle for the Muslims commenced in real political terms. In 1936 elections it was only the Bengal which could secure Muslim seats as compared to the Central India which had few and far less, in the northern part of India, today West Pakistan the results were poorer.
Jinnah after 1936 elections made marathon tours of India to convince Muslims to rise for their rights and confront Congress on the other. Far right Muslim scholars as well as bureaucratic elements including the Punjab feudal were against Pakistan. It was only in 1946 elections, seeing the wind of change Muslims feudal families of Punjab decided to support Muslim League. The British had limited options. To continue, India as one state needed a large force level, or handed over to Congress who claimed to be the majority party or partition India. The DNA of the Bengali people, their political Acumen always is superior to the other Brother Muslims in the Northern part of India and Punjab.
Lahore Resolution was also tabled by Bengali leadership. The most important, even in 1946 when Pakistan had become a reality, Bengali leadership felt that independent East Pakistan may not be able to withstand the military and economic pressures from India due to its location. They unanimously decided for a federal set-up after partition. It is unfortunate that Jinnah died very soon and the subsequent Muslim League leadership of the West Pakistan indulged in the power game for many years. They could not reach to a consensus constitution. It resulted in the political void within the polity and governance of Pakistan allowing the military to take over. The rest is history.
A significant effort was made to elevate East Pakistan’s development to the level of West Pakistan, virtually from scratch. Space does not permit a detailed list of the Pakistani government’s achievements, but by 1970, the bureaucracy in East Pakistan, which once stood at zero, was brought on par with that of West Pakistan. Likewise, federal allocations in the Sixth Plan favoured East Pakistan more than West Pakistan. However, the continuity of martial law stifled democratic sentiments among the people, fostering disenchantment with the federal government. Meanwhile, West Pakistani politicians remained preoccupied with power struggles.
In 1968, the Indian Prime Minister tasked RAW (as noted in RAW Papers) with carrying out subversion and sabotage in the aftermath of the 1965 war. RAW worked to create the false perception that West Pakistan was exploiting East Pakistan’s resources, obscuring the reality. As is often said, perception matters, and no amount of logic can convince people otherwise. This is precisely what occurred in Pakistan.
The people of East Pakistan were the true founders of Pakistan, but the creation of Bangladesh, following India’s naked aggression and the actions of the Awami League, struck at the soul of East Pakistan’s population. They did not vote for the Awami League to bring about separation and this discontent became evident when Mujib was killed in 1975.
In the 1980s, there were efforts by both Bangladesh and Pakistan to explore the idea of a confederation or union. However, these efforts were sabotaged by India. President Irshad was deposed and killed, and later Zia-ur-Rahman also met the same fate. During Sheikh Hasina’s 15-year rule, she imposed a regime of suppression, systematically erasing any signs of Pakistan’s foundational history. The people of Bangladesh have since realized they were deceived by India, leading to a rising wave of dissent within the country.
Nevertheless, India is not going to sit idle. The strategic dynamics, not only in the subcontinent but also in the rim of states surrounding the Indian Ocean, have changed. Conspiracies have already begun in India against the new Bangladesh government, aiming to belittle them as mere proxies of Pakistan in a fifth-generation war and to cut off their sources of commerce with India. Although traders are urging the government not to take such actions, arguing that the loss would be greater for India than for Bangladesh, Pakistan must step forward to offer all economic and business avenues to Bangladesh to fill the gap that India is trying to create.
There is serious talk in India about possible military action against Bangladesh to secure the Chicken Neck area and the Sylhet division as well as to create unrest within Bangladesh. The strategic locations of Chittagong Port and Cox’s Bazar, currently being developed by China, along with the issue of Saint Martin Island, are likely to become major friction points in the coming days. Pakistan must put its own house in order to ensure that it is in a position to fully support Bangladesh. At this moment, fostering the best possible friendly relations in commerce, trade, political space and defence is crucial. I have consistently asserted over the past few years in my writings that the defence of Bangladesh will be significantly strengthened through collaboration with nuclear Pakistan and the support of international powers. Indian aggression in various forms should not be ignored.
Bangladesh has great strategic potential to cooperate with Pakistan, ensuring that both flanks of the Indian subcontinent are covered by these two friendly countries to prevent Indian dominance over the Indian Ocean and the sea routes to the Straits of Malacca. During the Musharraf era, delegations from Bangladesh’s business and academic sectors frequently visited Pakistan, sponsored by the Pakistani government. However, this practice was halted by Hasina. It is essential to restore and support this practice, alongside establishing direct international flights at subsidized fares. Additionally, shipping services for both cargo and passengers should be restarted and private shipping companies should be invited to participate. There is a possibility that India will attempt to disrupt both air and sea routes, yet a strong Pakistan can overcome these hurdles by blocking India’s efforts.
