Squandering away our most precious resource
Strengthening Pak-Russia relations
By: Muhammad Zahid Rifat | September 27, 2024
A country’s foreign policy , is important as it determines the state of relationship with other countries.
The Father of the Nation, Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, had stated in 1948, prior to his death owing to prolonged illness, that “Our foreign policy is one of friendliness and goodwill towards all nations of the world, we do not cherish aggressive designs against any country or nation.”
In pursuance of this saying , Pakistan has all along been maintaining not only good, friendly relations but also taking measures to further strengthen and promote these with friendly countries around the world.
Frequent exchange of leadership and delegations between friendly countries like Russia and Pakistan go a long way in further strengthening and promoting bilateral relations and paving the way for further mutual cooperation in different sectors for mutual benefits in the coming months and years, if not days and weeks
Frequent interaction with the top leadership of friendly countries and exchange of delegations for holding important talks to boost cooperation in different sectors also, was a key to further strengthening ties with other countries.
Russian Deputy Prime Minister Alexei Overchuk along with a delegation recently paid a two-day goodwill visit to Pakistan and went through a hectic schedule of engagements, including meetings with the top civil and military leadership.
After holding talks with his Pakistani counterpart Deputy Prime Minister Ishaq Dar , the Russian Deputy Prime Minister addressed a joint press conference with the host Deputy Prime Minister wherein he quite categorically stated that Russian supports Pakistan’s bid to join BRICS, a group of Brazil , Russia, India, China and South Africa, and also wants to have deeper trade ties between the two countries. The Russian leader also discussed the prospects for collaboration between Pakistan and the Eurasian Economic Union which includes Armenia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Caucasia and Russia and also discussed the opportunities for implementing a free trade agreement between Pakistan and these five countries and was looking forward to holding further discussions to finalize such an agreement.
He also stated that the upcoming intergovernmental commission meeting later this year in Russia will provide an opportunity to further enhance trade and economic relations between the two countries. He went on to further state that their goals and visions for development and economic ties within the Shanghai Cooperation Organization were well aligned. particularly regarding collectivity, climate agenda, food security, energy transition, and energy security.
The visiting Russian Deputy Prime Minister and host Deputy Prime Minister also held delegation-level talks during which Pakistan and Russian agree to enhance dialogue and mutual cooperation in various sectors, including trade, industry, energy, connectivity, science, technology, and education. The host Deputy PM said that that discussions with his Russian counterpart focused on expanding economic relations between the countries, bilateral trade had reached $1 billion last year and both countries prioritized expanding trade ties by addressing logistical and related issues and pointedly stated that Pakistan views Russia as a key player in West South, and Central Asia and strengthening mutually beneficial relations with Russia was also a priority for Pakistan’s foreign policy.
The visiting Russian Deputy Prime Minister also held separate meetings with President Asif Ali Zardari, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and COAS Gen Asim Munir and two sides reiterated their commitment to further expanding trade and economic ties, besides enhancing regional connectivity to strengthen bilateral relations and also increase defence cooperation.He told Pakistani leadership that his country wanted to improve cooperation with Pakistan in the fields of food, security, and science and technology.
Russian Deputy Prime Minister Alexei Overchuk along with his delegation also called on PM Shehbaz Sharif and exchanged views regarding further improvement in the prevailing bilateral relations between the two friendly countries.
PM Shehbaz Sharif on the occasion reiterated the resolve that his country was keen to expand trade, economic, energy, connectivity and security cooperation with Russia, Pakistan considered strengthening of relations with Russia as an important priority of its foreign policy.
He told the visiting Russian dignitary that he was looking forward to welcoming his Russian counterpart Mikhail Mishustin to Islamabad next month and also recalled his very fruitful discussion with President Vladimir Putin in July earlier this year at the SCO Summit.The distinguished guest on his part characterized Pakistan-Russia relations as constructive and mutually beneficial and reiterated his country’s resolve to have deeper relations with Pakistan.
The host PM also witnessed the signing of Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) by the Russian Deputy Prime Minister Alexei Overchuk and his host Deputy Prime Minister Senator Muhammad Ishaq Dar. which signifies the shared understanding and desire of the two countries to further strengthen mutually advantageous cooperation in all areas of shared interest especially trade, investment, IT, agriculture, science and technology and education.
Though the Russian Deputy Prime Minister’s visit was pf just two days duration, still it has shown signs of a lot of goodwill and indications of further improvement and mutual exchanges as a 75-member strong Pakistani delegation is scheduled to visit Russia in October to further explore avenues for economic cooperation between the two countries.
Frequent exchange of leadership and delegations between friendly countries like Russia and Pakistan go a long way in further strengthening and promoting bilateral relations and paving the way for further mutual cooperation in different sectors for mutual benefits in the coming months and years, if not days and weeks.
Rethinking - Development
By: Dr Mahboob ul Haq | September 27, 2024
The Pakistani economy has long been in search of a sustainable path for development, one that ensures inclusive growth and addresses the country’s deep-seated structural problems. Despite its vast potential, Pakistan finds itself trapped in a cycle of economic crises, characterized by a recurring reliance on external borrowing, primarily from the International Monetary Fund (IMF).
Ultimately, the search for a new economic paradigm in Pakistan requires a holistic approach. One that does not merely focus on short-term fixes or external borrowing but prioritizes long-term investments in human development. The lessons of Mahbub ul Haq’s HDI framework remain as relevant today as ever: economic growth must be inclusive, sustainable, and centred on improving the well-being of all citizens, not just a privileged few. Without these reforms, Pakistan will continue to find itself in a perpetual cycle of economic crises, unable to realize its true potential on the world stage
Central to this search for a new paradigm is the vision of Dr Mahboob ul Haq, Pakistan’s former Finance Minister, whose ideas about economic development remain pertinent today. Haq’s emphasis on human development rather than sheer economic growth is especially relevant in a country where inequality continues to undermine social progress.
Dr Mahboob ul Haq’s central critique of Pakistan’s economic system was its capture by a small elite. He famously pointed out that the country’s growth had been “hijacked by a handful of families.” Even today, this reality persists, as wealth remains concentrated in the hands of a few, leaving the majority of the population to struggle with poor living conditions. Haq’s introduction of the Human Development Index (HDI) was a pioneering effort to shift the global focus from GDP to more meaningful measures of development— education, health, political freedom, and security.
In a country like Pakistan, where a significant portion of the population lives on less than $3 a day, Haq’s vision provides a critical framework for addressing the nation’s shortcomings. His belief was that without human development, economic growth would be unsustainable and exclusionary, a lesson Pakistan has yet to fully embrace.
In today’s Pakistan, the current account deficit is a reflection of structural weaknesses within the economy. The economy’s reliance on imports and a consumption-driven model has contributed significantly to this deficit. Short-term policies and emergency measures, often dictated by IMF loan programmes, have failed to address the underlying issues.
Mahboob ul Haq recognized that without long-term investments in human capital—education, healthcare, and social protection—economic stability would remain elusive. Unfortunately, successive governments have lacked both the preparation and imagination necessary to implement the structural reforms needed to move beyond this cycle of dependency.
The country’s current economic situation is one of stagnation, both in terms of exports and investments. The high level of consumption, with 95 percent of goods being imported, is unsustainable. It has led to a vicious cycle where Pakistan, facing a balance of payments crisis, turns to the IMF for short-term relief. But these loans come with stringent conditions that further constrain economic policy and often lead to austerity measures that exacerbate poverty and inequality. Instead of fostering growth, these policies have led to a situation where the economy is unable to break free from its dependence on external financing.
Excessive consumption has also crowded out investment in productive sectors. This has been particularly evident in the manufacturing and export sectors, where growth has been sluggish at best. The lack of significant exports means that Pakistan is unable to generate the foreign exchange needed to service its debt or invest in its future. In a country where tax revenues are low and public services are underfunded, the reliance on imports and external borrowing has created a fragile economic environment. Structural reform is desperately needed to correct these imbalances and put the economy on a more sustainable path.
The media, in turn, has been largely focused on domestic stories, often missing the broader implications of the economic policies being pursued. The absence of a serious public discourse on economic reform has further entrenched the status quo. There is a widespread trust deficit, both within the country and among international investors, which has led to insufficient investment in key sectors. This lack of investment has kept productivity low, stunted technological advancement, and hampered economic diversification. As a result, Pakistan continues to rely on consumption and imports to drive its economy, further exacerbating its structural weaknesses.
One of the most alarming features of the current situation is that all roads seem to lead to the IMF. Despite various governments’ pledges to break free from IMF dependency, the country continues to turn to the institution whenever faced with an economic crisis. The focus on short-term fixes has precluded any meaningful discussion about long-term economic strategy. This reliance on IMF loans is not a sustainable solution. Instead, Pakistan must focus on increasing its exports and attracting investment, particularly in sectors that can provide long-term economic benefits, such as technology, agriculture, and manufacturing.
At the same time, Pakistan’s relationship with China, particularly through the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), offers both opportunities and challenges. The CPEC projects have provided much-needed infrastructure investment, but the expected benefits in terms of increased exports and job creation have not yet materialized.
Export growth remains stagnant, and the promised industrial development along the CPEC route has been slower than anticipated. If properly managed, however, the CPEC initiative could provide the kind of investment and technological transfer needed to kickstart Pakistan’s economy. But this will require more than just infrastructure; it will require a comprehensive strategy to integrate these investments into the broader economy.
Balochistan – Beyond Myths and Biases
By: Rakhshanda Mehtab | September 27, 2024
The accession of Kalat in Pakistan is a significant event in the complex history of Balochistan that has profound effects on the region’s socioeconomic structure. This pivotal moment, however, has also exposed deep-seated divisions within the diverse ethnic groups of Balochistan. The external forces have been quick to exploit these fractures, spreading misinformation to further their agendas.
Throughout history, young people have often been used as tools in political games, their minds moulded by powerful stories that benefit those in power. This isn’t a new tactic; from the Nazis shaping German youth to today’s efforts to influence public opinion, young people have often been fed distorted truths.
In Pakistan, we’re seeing a similar pattern. Liberals, leftist academics, and ethnic nationalists are joining forces to spread a narrative that twists historical facts and creates division.
Universities in Gwadar, Turbat, and Panjgur have become centres for this dissent where misinformation spreads easily.
Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s legal acumen recognized Kalat’s historical supremacy, but internal tribal conflicts and the Khan’s delaying tactics favoured Pakistan.
Youth must understand the history of their region. A solid grasp of history enables individuals to confront false narratives and cope with the uncertainty surrounding them.
We need to look at Balochistan’s colonial background to understand the roots of this manipulation. The region was formed as a British agency in 1877, with Quetta as its capital. The British established a system of governance by providing financial incentives to local chieftains and sardars to maintain peace in their regions. This system, known as the Sandeman System, still influences the political landscape of Balochistan today, reinforcing the power of the sardars.
The historical backdrop of Kalat is significant. The Khanate of Kalat was established in the 15th century and changed hands between the Afghan and Mughal empires multiple times. By 1947, the Khan of Kalat adopted a delaying strategy regarding accession to Pakistan, leading to the rejection of Kalat’s suzerainty by the rulers of Kharan, Makran, and Lasbela.
Balochistan’s population is ethnically and linguistically diverse, comprising Baloch, Pashtun, Brahui, Kurd, and Hazara communities. The tribal chiefs of Kharan, Makran, and Lasbela favoured immediate accession to Pakistan, rejecting Kalat’s dominance. This diversity is both a strength and a challenge, as it requires careful navigation of various identities and interests.
The opposition to renaming the province as “Balochistan” stems from the fact that more than half of its population is non-Baloch. The region’s geopolitical significance is underscored by its connections with Iran, UAE, China, and India, whose interests influence the local dynamics. These international connections add another layer of complexity to the region’s political landscape.
The Pakistani government’s development policies and financial aid have inadvertently strengthened the Sardar power, leaving the general populace without alternative leadership. This has resulted in a lack of access to justice, administration, and legislative representation for the people of Balochistan. The central government’s efforts, while well-intentioned, often miss the mark in addressing the root causes of the region’s issues.
The arrest of the Khan of Kalat and the claims of forced accession are often cited by Baloch nationalists. However, these claims are far from reality. Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s legal acumen recognized Kalat’s historical supremacy, but internal tribal conflicts and the Khan’s delaying tactics favoured Pakistan. Jinnah’s disappointment with the delay led to the immediate accession of Kharan, Makran, and Lasbela, separate from Kalat. This decision was driven by pragmatic considerations, reflecting the complex interplay of local and national interests.
Initially, foreign agencies like RAW, MI-6, and others intervened in Balochistan to fuel nationalist and separatist movements. Their influence persists through ideologies and slogans, but the affected population remains minimal. These external influences have often exacerbated local tensions, complicating efforts to achieve lasting peace and stability.
The Baloch people are under the sway of their archaic and exploitative elite, with no end in sight to this exploitation. Efforts to mislead the youth, particularly by tribal leaders like Bizenjo, Mengal, Marri, and Bugti, have driven them towards militancy. This manipulation of young minds is a strategic move to maintain the status quo and resist meaningful change.
Educational institutions in Gwadar, Turbat, and Panjgur have become hotbeds of Baloch antagonism, further complicating the situation. These universities, intended to be centres of learning and progress, have instead become breeding grounds for dissent and misinformation.
The ongoing struggle between the state and the Baloch youth gives external forces plenty of chances to exploit the situation for their benefit. The youth must recognize and counter these influences to build a stable and united Balochistan. Only through collective effort and awareness, we can ensure a brighter future for all communities in the region.
Ethical leadership and universities of Pakistan
By: S M Ali | September 27, 2024
Nature has been kind to Pakistan. The country enjoys access to the three major rivers of the mighty Indus, and the country is home to more than 7,000 glaciers, the highest number of such natural freshwater reservoirs anywhere other than the polar regions. These glaciers have been providing a perpetual source of water for the country, which alongside rainwater, feed the mighty rivers which traverse Pakistan, before pouring into the Arabian Sea. However, rising temperatures due to global warming have begun to cause an alarming level of glacial melt. In the short term, glacial melts lead to the creation of glacial lakes, which can burst when more melted water keeps gushing into them. Melting glaciers also increase the amount of water in the rivers which, coinciding with heavy rainfalls, causes flooding further afield. In the longer term, the reduction in the size of these glaciers will deplete water availability within major rivers on which the lives and livelihoods of multitudes of people depend.
Rather than thinking about water conservation and improving water efficiency, Pakistan has been wasting its precious freshwater resources using wasteful flood irrigation, and due to badly maintained irrigation systems which also cause massive water losses. Over 90 per cent of the country's freshwater is diverted to agriculture, where a significant proportion of it is lost due to inadequate water management, and due to the producing of water-thirsty crops like sugarcane.
Besides using irrigation systems which tap the rivers flowing out of glaciers, Pakistan has also been exploiting its groundwater sources with reckless abandon. Now our policymakers are keen to entice the Gulf states and China into investing in agriculture in the desperate bid to earn foreign exchange, which threatens to further deplete underground water sources.
Meanwhile, marginalised farmers have been experiencing major water stress, especially those whose land is located at the tail end of watercourses, where water often run out long due to inefficient water use by those more affluent, who occupy land at the head of watercourses.
Conversely, ordinary citizens across many rural areas and in unregulated and poorer urban neighborhoods don't have enough water to meet their household needs. Badly maintained water lines are often located perilously close to sewage systems, and there have been repeated reports of drinking water mixing with sanitation. Sporadic water tests in major cities have revealed unacceptable levels of faecal matter and heavy metals in water meant for human consumption. It is thus not surprising that water-borne diseases are a major cause of mortality within the country, and they lead to repeated bouts of sickness for adults, which then deplete already meager average household incomes, and cause a loss of productivity.
Women and girls bear the brunt of water scarcity, as the responsibility of fetching water for homes is usually a task relegated to females. The stubborn gender disparity in education, especially when girls become a little older, has also been linked to this onerous responsibility placed on girls to either help their mothers fetch water, or else, to stay at home to look after younger siblings while the mother is out getting water.
Pakistan now has a plethora of policies and plans to ensure equitable water access to all citizens. What we still need is real action which can alleviate the water stress of our smaller farmers and which can provide reliable, convenient and safe sources of water for meeting the daily needs of all households, especially those who cannot afford the luxury of boring their own tube-wells, purchasing water pumps, using filters or purchasing mineral water on a regular basis.
Ethical leadership and universities of Pakistan
By: Dr Intikhab Ulfat | September 27, 2024
Ethical leadership in universities includes adherence to professional standards and principles for public life. However, defining ethical leadership is a complex process, influenced by changing societal trends and leadership styles. Current trends favour shared leadership and empowerment over directive or coercive leadership. Comparing ethical leadership to toxic leadership helps institutions define their own ethical standards, although it is essential to avoid unethical relativism.
Key thinkers in ethical leadership emphasised important principles. Thomas J Sergiovanni (Professor of Education at Trinity University) highlighted the need for leaders to prioritise moral values, build trust and foster a sense of community. Michael Fullan (Educational Consultant and the former Dean of the Ontario Institute for Studies in Education) stressed leadership that drove reforms through equity, empowerment and student welfare. Joseph Murphy (1898-1981; an Irish author) focused on addressing systemic inequalities and advocating for marginalised groups while Andy Hargreaves (Research Professor at Boston College) emphasised collaboration and sustainability in leadership decisions. John West-Burnham (1947-2022; Professor of Educational Leadership at St Mary's University College) called for leaders to lead by example with integrity, fostering a culture of empathy, respect and social responsibility. Lastly, Christopher Day (Professor at the University of Nottingham) underscored the role of ethical leadership in improving teaching and learning standards, advocating for a supportive and inclusive academic environment.
Ethical leadership in Pakistani universities centres on key principles essential for a just and effective academic environment. Leaders must be driven by a strong moral purpose, focusing on holistic student development, quality education and the broader academic community's interests. Integrity and honesty are foundational, requiring leaders to model ethical behaviour consistently and set a positive example. A commitment to equity and social justice is crucial, addressing disparities in education and ensuring inclusivity and equal opportunities, especially for marginalised groups. Collaboration and trust are emphasised, with leaders engaging faculty, staff and students in open dialogue and shared decision-making to build a supportive community. Sustainability is important, with a focus on long-term solutions and enduring reforms rather than short-term fixes. Accountability is vital for upholding ethical standards and maintaining transparency, fostering trust within the institution. Empowering faculty and students to actively participate in decision-making is critical, promoting a culture of shared leadership. Lastly, continuous professional development is essential, with leaders prioritising growth and improvement to enhance the institution's overall quality and effectiveness.
Pakistani universities face significant challenges in maintaining ethical leadership due to resource constraints, political interference and a focus on achieving targets that may compromise academic integrity. These challenges often lead to ethical dilemmas, such as prioritising short-term gains over long-term development or unequal resource distribution.
Ethical leadership in Pakistani universities is essential for fostering a culture of transparency, equity and respect. While challenges abound, leaders who prioritise moral values, collaborative decision-making and long-term sustainability can create positive academic environments that benefit both students and faculty. Addressing ethical lapses requires a concerted effort from university leadership, policymakers and the broader academic community, working together to uphold the highest ethical standards in higher education.
UN and Kashmir’s right to self-determination
By: Dr Muhammad Khan | September 27, 2024
PRIME Minister of Pakistan, Shehbaz Sharif is addressing the annual session of UN General Assembly (UNGA) today, 27 September 2024. Before his formal address to the UNGA, he met the leaders of various states and heads of international institutions. During his key meeting with UN Secretary-General Antonio Guterres, Premier Sharif emphasized to him to play a role towards implementation of UN Resolutions on Kashmir. Unfortunately, despite passage of 77 years, the UN has not been able to implement its own resolutions over Jammu and Kashmir which provides India an opportunity to manipulate the affairs of the occupied state in its favour.
Premier Sharif asked the UN Chief to give Kashmiris their right to self-determination. He also apprised the UN Secretary General about massive human rights violations of Kashmiris by Indian occupation forces. The Prime Minister will also highlight dynamics of Kashmir dispute and Kashmiri’s right of self-determination during his formal address to the UNGA. While apprising the global leadership about contemporary dimensions of Kashmir dispute, Prime Minister should dwell upon the restoration of pre-August 5, 2019 status (special status under Article 370) of Indian Illegally Occupied Jammu and Kashmir (IIOJK).
On August 5, 2019, India unilaterally and illegally annexed IIOJK into the Indian Union, downgrading its statehood to union territories. The second dimension of Kashmir should be the grant of the right of self-determination to people of Kashmir as promised by the UN in its resolutions. Indeed, the establishment of the United Nations Organisation (UNO) at the end of World War-II was the most noble and extraordinary act undertaken by the global leadership to avoid another catastrophic world war. The Charter of UNO was further distinguished with the inclusion of an exceptional humanitarian clause: the ‘right of self-determination’ which was unique in nature and can be attributed to Divinity. Ever since the decolonization of the Subcontinent in 1947, the people of Jammu and Kashmir have been demanding their right of self-determination. Kashmiri trace back this prized right from the resolutions of United Nations which were derivative of it and got accredited from the Charter of this world body. Owing to its paramount significance, the right of self-determination was secured in article 1 of the UN Charter with a universal application, where Kashmiris cannot be made as an exception and kept deprived of this right for ever.
The global decolonization, started immediately after the establishment of the United Nations in 1945 owed a lot to the right of self-determination. This right is the legal right of the people for deciding their future destination. It fits into the main theme of 79th Session of UNGA which states, “Leaving no one behind: acting together for the advancement of peace, sustainable development and human dignity for present and future generations”. The UN must take this theme as the baseline for the resolution of the Kashmir dispute too. Indeed, right of self-determination is the essence of international law, arising from customary international law, secured in a number of international treaties and agreements. Kashmiri’s right of self-determination is also secured in UN resolutions, treaties and commitments of Indian leadership. In the light of the UN mandated right to self-determination, the people of Jammu and Kashmir too had a right to determine their own destiny, their own political status and their own economic, cultural and social development model. United Nations Commission for India and Pakistan (UNCIP) through its Resolution of January 5, 1949 guaranteed a free and fair plebiscite in Jammu and Kashmir with the sole objective of granting the people of Jammu and Kashmiri their right to self-determination. This is the inalienable right; the people of Jammu and Kashmir had in 1947 and valid today in 2024.
The only obstacle in the exercise of this right is Indian obduracy and its illegal occupation of IIOJK, which has constantly caused a barrier since the passage of UNCIP Resolution on 05 January 1949. Since its establishment in 1945, the United Nations ensures grant of this right to over 100 states which is clear from UN membership. The UN had 51 countries as its members in October 1945 and today in 2024, there are over 193 countries forming the member states of this world body. In all cases, the right of self-determination formed the basis of such a large international community.
The only question people of Jammu and Kashmir ask today from the UN and its 193 member States is why they have been deprived from this inalienable right of self-determination, enshrined in the UN Charter and UNCIP Resolutions on Kashmir. Indeed, after passage of this resolution (13 August 1948), India and Pakistan gave their recommendations for the smooth conduct of plebiscite in the entire state of Jammu and Kashmir which were incorporated in the resolution of 05 January 1949. This UNCIP resolution was unanimously adopted by members of the commission thus had no confusion in implementation. India took the Kashmir dispute to the UN on the sole plea that Maharaja of Kashmir had acceded to India. The UN resolutions were indeed the rejection of the Indian stance over Kashmir.
Today, India is cognizant of the fact that, despite its brutal use of force and massive human rights violations in IIOJK, it can neither suppress the popular will of Kashmiris nor can it deprive them from attaining their long-awaited right of self-determination. Since 2019, India is making demographic changes in IIOJK which is yet another violation of UN Charter, UN resolutions on Kashmir, Fourth Geneva Convention and International Law. United Nations, major powers and international community must play their role for the end of Indian occupation in IIOJK and grant of right of self-determination to Kashmiris in the light of UN resolutions.
Pakistan’s economic turnaround
By: Asad Ali | September 26, 2024
PAKISTAN’S economy has been a subject of concern and debate for years, with periods of instability, debt crises and slow growth often overshadowing the country’s potential. However, the recent positive shift in Pakistan’s economic outlook, as highlighted by Moody’s increased economic rating, marks a significant turnaround. This improvement is not a coincidence but a direct result of the exceptional leadership demonstrated by the Pakistani Army chief and the incumbent government led by Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif. Moody’s Investors Service, one of the world’s leading credit rating agencies, recently upgraded Pakistan’s economic rating. This move has sparked a wave of optimism within the country and among international investors. The upgrade is a clear signal that Pakistan’s economy is on a more stable and sustainable path, with improved prospects for growth, investment, and financial stability.
The significance of this rating cannot be overstated. It reflects increased confidence in Pakistan’s economic policies and governance, which have been critical in addressing the country’s longstanding challenges. While several factors contribute to such a rating, the role of leadership in steering the nation through turbulent times stands out as a decisive factor. In recent years, Pakistan’s Army chief has taken a more active role in ensuring economic stability, recognizing that a strong economy is crucial for national security. Under the leadership of current Army chief, there has been a concerted effort to support government’s economic initiatives, particularly in areas where security and economic interests intersect. The Army’s involvement in securing China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is a prime example. The Army’s role in providing a secure environment for such critical projects has been instrumental in maintaining investor confidence. Moreover, Army chief has played a pivotal role in fostering regional stability, which is essential for economic growth. By engaging in diplomatic efforts and maintaining internal security, Army has helped create a more conducive environment for economic activities. This stability has been a key factor in Moody’s positive reassessment of Pakistan’s economic prospects.
While the Army’s role in securing the nation is vital, the incumbent government’s economic reforms have been equally crucial in driving Pakistan’s economic turnaround. The government has implemented a series of bold and necessary reforms to address structural issues that have plagued the economy for decades. One of the most significant reforms has been in the area of fiscal policy. The government has worked tirelessly to reduce the budget deficit, which has historically been a major source of economic instability. By implementing strict austerity measures, cutting unnecessary expenditures, and improving tax collection, the government has managed to bring the deficit under control. This has not only stabilized the economy but also improved Pakistan’s creditworthiness in the eyes of international investors.
Additionally, the government’s efforts to improve the ease of doing business have started to bear fruit. By streamlining regulations, reducing bureaucratic red tape, and improving infrastructure, the government has made Pakistan a more attractive destination for foreign investment. This has led to an increase in foreign direct investment (FDI), which is essential for sustained economic growth. Another critical area of reform has been the energy sector. Pakistan has long struggled with energy shortages, which have hampered industrial growth and contributed to economic stagnation. The government’s focus on diversifying energy sources, improving efficiency, and reducing circular debt has been a game-changer. With more reliable and affordable energy, industries can operate more efficiently, contributing to overall economic growth.
Moody’s decision to upgrade Pakistan’s economic rating is a clear reflection of the effective leadership provided by both the Army chief and the incumbent government. Their coordinated efforts in addressing the nation’s security and economic challenges have created a more stable and prosperous environment. This rating upgrade is not just a numerical change; it represents a new chapter in Pakistan’s economic journey. It signals to the world that Pakistan is on the right track, with a leadership that is capable of making tough decisions and implementing necessary reforms. The improved rating will likely lead to increased investor confidence, lower borrowing costs, and greater access to international financial markets.
While the upgrade is a significant achievement, it is important to recognize that challenges remain. The global economic environment is uncertain, with potential risks from geopolitical tensions, fluctuating commodity prices, and the ongoing effects of the COVID-19 pandemic. Domestically, Pakistan still faces issues such as inflation, poverty, and inequality, which require continued attention and action. To sustain the momentum, the leadership must remain committed to the path of reform. The government must continue to implement policies that promote economic growth, social inclusion, and environmental sustainability. At the same time, the Army’s role in ensuring security and stability will remain crucial in maintaining a positive economic trajectory.
The recent increase in Pakistan’s economic rating by Moody’s is a testament to the exceptional leadership of the Pakistani Army chief and the incumbent government. Their combined efforts have not only stabilized the economy but also set the stage for future growth and prosperity. While challenges remain, the foundations for a stronger and more resilient economy have been laid. As Pakistan moves forward, it is imperative that this leadership continues to guide the nation with the same resolve and vision. With the right policies and continued commitment, Pakistan can build on this success and achieve its full economic potential, creating a brighter future for its people.
Pak BMD program: US’ unqualified, undeserved concern
By: Syed Qamar Afzal Rizvi | September 26, 2024
Last week, the US State Department spokesperson Mathew Miller said, “We have been clear and consistent about our concerns with Pakistan’s Ballistic Missile Program for many years, adding the US will continue to use sanctions and other tools against long-term partner, Pakistan’s Ballistic Missile Program’’. While the US shares concern regarding Pakistan’s BMD Program; it ponders no opposition to Indian BMD system, thus, showing its double standard on Pakistan’s nuclear capabilities. As India’s military capabilities have progressed, and advanced, Pakistan is justified to consider modifying its nuclear and missile systems to maintain its strategic deterrence.
Needless to say, the US Government has been generally supportive of India’s efforts to bolster its defence capabilities, particularly Indian missile system. The United States has shown support for India’s Military-Industrial Development (MBD) Program through collaborations and agreements aimed at enhancing defence capabilities. Traditionally, the US sees Pakistan’s long-range ballistic missile programme with a jaundiced eye and sanctions have been unjustifiably imposed on it by asserting that Washington has been consistently concerned about Pakistan’s ballistic missile development efforts and the potential for collaboration with China, viewing these as threats to regional stability.
As per the US State Department Statement : ‘’Specifically, the Department of State is designating the Beijing Research Institute of Automation for Machine Building Industry (RIAMB) pursuant to Executive Order 13382, which targets proliferators of weapons of mass destruction and their means of delivery. RIAMB has worked with Pakistan’s National Development Complex (NDC) –which the United States assesses is involved in the development and production of Pakistan’s long-range ballistic missiles – to procure equipment for testing of large diameter rocket motors, including the Shaheen-3 and Ababeel, but also potentially for larger systems’’.
These sanctions were aimed at firms that provided missile-related stuff to Pakistan, which helps boost Pakistan’s ballistic missile programme. Nonetheless, experts indicate that without providing evidence to substantiate the respective claims, US imposition of unilateral sanctions are not justifiable. The current announcement marks the sixth round of such sanctions to be levied by the US on Chinese and Pakistani companies since November 2021. Under these sanctions, the US-based assets of those named can be frozen, these companies are banned from doing business with any group or person named.
As for Pakistan’s official stance, Mumtaz Zehra Baloch spokesperson of Ministry of Foreign Affairs(MOFA) said, ‘’It is widely known that some countries, while claiming strict adherence to non-proliferation norms, have conveniently waived licensing requirements for advanced military technologies to their favoured states. The spokesperson further stated: “Such double standards and discriminatory practices undermine the credibility of global non-proliferation regimes, increase military asymmetries, and endanger international peace and security.”
In the same vein, Liu Pengyu, spokesperson for China’s embassy in Washington, said, “China firmly opposes unilateral sanctions and long-arm jurisdiction that have no basis in international law or authorisation of the UN Security Council.” Discernibly, US approach towards the application of nuclear law is selective, biased and unilateral. Clearly, the US is perceived to reflect double standards regarding the Pakistan Ballistic Missile Defense (BMD) system because it often critiques Pakistan’s nuclear program while being more lenient towards India’s similar capabilities. Furthermore, the US has imposed what Pakistan describes as “biased and politically-motivated” sanctions related to its missile program, contributing to these perceptions of hypocrisy.
And yet, India’s Ballistic Missile Defence (BMD) system has received significant cooperation from the US due to the strategic partnership that has developed between the two nations. Therefore, the Pakistani side argues that an overriding US support to India is the major cause of concern in South Asia. Despite these sanctions, imposed since November 2021, Pakistan’s missile program remains active and has continued to develop. To counter India’s perceived threats, Pakistan has also developed an indigenous AVM Program.
Nonetheless, Washington’s nuclear approach towards Islamabad profoundly reflects on “nuclear apartheid” in South Asia. This propensity is used to describe the perceived inequality in nuclear capabilities and policies among states, particularly in South Asia, where the US has shown a differential approach towards countries like India and Pakistan. This inequity can manifest in the US support of India’s nuclear capabilities while applying stricter controls and limitations on Pakistan, contributing to regional tensions and security dilemmas.
Needless to say, the post Agni-V South Asia poses new challenges to the strategic stability in the region which is glaringly marked by India’s MIRV capable Intercontinental Ballistic Missile(ICBM) test in March, 2024, has significantly advanced Indian missile technology characterizing Multiple Independently targetable Reentry Vehicle (MIRV) capabilities. All the while, this argument holds considerable weight that India‘s BMD programme — that India can use the MIRV capabilities for counter space mission, thereby also targeting of satellites and its expansion of counter space weapons— intrinsically disturbs the strategic balance/equilibrium in South Asia.
In South Asia, Pakistan’s development of a Ballistic Missile Defence (BMD) system is aimed at deterring India’s BMD capability—essentially counterfeiting any potential attack from India. Pakistan perceives India’s speedily growing BMD Program a major threat to its nuclear deterrent. In order to counter India’s ballistic missile defence (BMD) system, so far, Pakistan has developed different variants of several long-range ballistic missile variants, including the Hatf VI (Shaheen II) and Shaheen 1A. Pakistan has also developed Shaheen-3 ranging 2750 km and MIRV-Ababeel ranging 2200 km. As for Pakistan, given the profound imperatives of its two-fold doctrine (full spectrum deterrence (FSD)-cum-strategic autonomy, Islamabad is obliged to pursue modifying its deterrence capabilities in accordance with the growing strategic needs.
Thus, Islamabad is determined to maintain its versatile BMD system capability vis-à-vis India’s. As a responsible nuclear state, Pakistan has been currently elected as member of the IAEA’s Board of Governors for the 21st time. While the Biden Administration is adhered to extend an enduring partnership between the US and Pakistan, Islamabad advocates for an equality-based strategic US approach in South Asia.
—The writer, an independent ‘IR’ researcher-cum-international law analyst based in Pakistan, is member of European Consortium for Political Research Standing Group on IR, Critical Peace & Conflict Studies, also a member of Washington Foreign Law Society and European Society of International Law. He deals with the strategic and nuclear issues.
Destructive Fallacies in Baluchistan
By: Sikandar Noorani | September 26, 2024
Surging terrorism in Balochistan needs to be analyzed in the correct context. Growing concerns about the evolving security challenges are not misplaced but a miscalculated response would be damaging on many accounts. In the past, comrades of different brands tried to lure in the Baluch youth towards ill-conceived revolutions. Since 1877, the British government managed Baluchistan as an agency of the crown through various influential tribal chiefs aka Sardars. British Raj generously opened the coffer to Sardars who in return were responsible for ensuring peace in respective areas.
This colonial governance arrangement is known as the ‘Sandeman System’ which strengthened the influence of Sardars in Baluchistan. 1947 partition which subsequently raised the question of Baluchistan’s accession with Pakistan; posed a potent threat to the Sardari system. Reluctance of Khan of Kalat to the accession was rejected from the outset by Kharan, Makran and Lasbella. Reluctant Khan of Kalat received another embarrassing blow when Nehru rejected the accession plea on 27 March 1948. Later on, Baluchistan took the natural course of accession with Pakistan. Certain Sardars were not happy with this arrangement amid the subsequent abolishment of their grip on society. The ethnic composition of Baluchistan is quite interesting as more than half of the populace does not speak the Baluch language. As per the 2017 census 35.49% population speaks Baluchi whereas the remaining 74. 51% population speaks Pushto, Brahui and other local dialects. Approximately 50% of the Baluch population lives in adjacent areas of Sind province and earns livelihood peacefully. While gauging the hype of separatism in the province we should remember that the Pushtun belt in the province is free of any such tendency. Those who create hype that Baluchistan is drifting away from Pakistan are usually carried away with either social media optics or acting purposefully on the agenda of spoilers. Certain relevant aspects should not be ignored while deliberating upon the issues of Balochistan. What is the reality of terrorist groups who frequently claim responsibility for attacks? Why do the terrorists always choose armed forces, LEAs, CPEC-related installations and Punjab-based labourers as targets? The intensity of social media campaigning revolving around the backwardness and marginalization of Baluchs often portrays deeper signs of separation in the province.
The triangle of foreign hostile powers, local Sardars and exploitative anarchists is the root cause of present unrest in Baluchistan.
Social media propaganda has played a big role in creating the optics of an unmanageable crisis in the province. It serves the purpose of those hostile powers which are inimical to the prosperity and stability of Baluchistan. Backwardness in far-flung areas of Balochistan is a genuine problem. However, it is not an exceptional phenomenon specific only to Balochistan. Many areas in Punjab, Sindh and KP provinces are also deprived of basic amenities of life awaiting the generosity of ruling quarters. Ironically, hostile elements are exploiting governance issues of a universal nature to ignite the fire of ethnic hatred among the deprived Baluchs. This tendency has emerged as an unwritten law that spoilers always pick existing issues to create a wedge between the state and the citizens.
After igniting the fire of discontent, these spoilers never seriously pursue the solution of issues on the ground. A just solution to the issues can extinguish the fire and repair the dented relations between the state and the citizens. This happened in East Pakistan almost five decades back with active Indian support including blatant military invasion! The same hostile powers are now trying to recreate the 71 tragedy in Baluchistan as well. Since geography is not suitable for the isolation of Baluchistan militarily, therefore, anarchists and their handlers are more focused on creating deeper destabilization. Successful completion of development projects is one such move which can dislodge the entire mechanism of anarchists. Unfortunately, the prevailing democratic system has not yet been able to liberate the Baluch society from the shackles of Sardars. Sandeman’s system still prevailed in the form of influential tribal sardars who never let the state resources trickle down to the common people. Opportunist Sardars are responsible for the backwardness and depravity in Baluchistan which is being exploited by the hostile foreign powers to mislead the youth against the state.
The triangle of foreign hostile powers, local Sardars and exploitative anarchists is the root cause of the present unrest in Baluchistan. It would be unwise to delink this situation with prevailing geopolitical and global contestation. Beijing’s factor in ongoing development projects predominantly CPEC has brought global powers into the intricate game. We know about the deep alignment of India with those Western powers who are striving hard to contain China. No rocket science is required to decipher the warmth extended to India-backed Baluch anarchists in the West. Fabricated human rights hype, terrorism, targeted killings of non-Baluch citizens, manipulative protests cum sit-ins and attacks on strategic installations are precisely designed to portray Baluchistan as a trouble zone. Anarchists can not offer anything concrete other than misleading the Baluch youth with hollow slogans on the path of violence, ethnic hatred and terrorism. It is about time for Baluchs to get rid of foreign puppets and link with the state for a stable prosperous future.
Balochistan - the antidote
By: Inam Ul Haque | September 26, 2024
The State finds no alternative to this entrenched elite, as in the distant, especially the militancy-affected areas, the State's inability to reach out leaves even routine and essential state functions dependent upon these traditional strongmen.
In this self-perpetuating exploitative cycle, education seems to have made some inroads, enabling the youth bulge to challenge the status quo. However, the local Sardar-militant-teacher combine channelises and diverts the youth angst against the State, protecting its own power, privilege and patronage. Election and democracy will not work as in the lackluster turnout, entrenched Sardars-cum-politicians are returned to the assemblies again and again, further enhancing their blackmailing powers.
With the problem stated, we explore some other facts. Baloch, in the Sulaiman Mountains, have some 27 tribes (tumans) under a tumandar - Sardar. They are mentioned in 10th Century Arabic chronicles, and their original homeland was probably the Iranian plateau. Arid Balochistan, at the eastern end of this plateau, is almost evenly split between Pakistan and Iran's Sistan-Balochistan province. It also occupies small parts of Afghanistan's Nimruz, Helmand and Kandahar provinces.
Sanjarani, Jamal-al-Dini, Badini, Mohammad-Hasani and the Brahui-speaking Mengal tribes live on either side of the Pak-Afghan border. Of the estimated 90,000 Baloch living in Afghanistan, around 10,000 (Narui-i, Rigi, Sanjarani and Gurgec tumans) have relations in both Iran and Pakistan. Most Afghan Baloch are presently refugees in Pakistan, besides around 300,000 mainly Pashtun Afghan refugees in Balochistan.
Hence, Islamabad must contend with the Iranian influences, Afghan connection, smuggling along respective borders and the coastal belt, and the more than friendly interests of the Indian, British and other intelligence agencies.
As per Census-2017, Balochistan's population is 12.34 million with only 3.41 million (27.62%) living in urban areas and an overwhelming 8.93 million (72.38%) living in rural areas. The male at 52.56% outnumber female at 47.43%. Out of its six administrative divisions (comprising 31 districts), Quetta has 33.81% of the population, Kalat 20.37%, Nasirabad 13.47%, Zhob 12.50%, Makran 12.04% and Sibi 7.81%. And a whopping 48.69% are under 15 years, another 18.20% between 15-24 years of age, making this youth bulge highly dependent.
The 35.49% Baloch population is divided into the Sulaimani and the Makrani groups, separated by a compact block of Brahui tribes (17.12%). North Balochistan including Quetta is entrenched Pashtun Belt (35.34%). Balochistan's literacy, at 43.58%, is way below the national average of 58.92%, and further low for women population (31.89%). Population density is 18.91 persons per sq-km (Nasirabad Division highest at 109.79; Kalat lowest at 17.97), much below the national average of 260.8 person per sq-km.
Administratively, like the rest of Pakistan, a Balochistan district gets divided into sub-divisions; subdivision into tehsil(s); tehsil into Qanungo Halqas, further divided into Patwar Circles (PCs); and PC into Mauzas (revenue estates) in settled areas. In the un-settled areas, tehsil is divided into UCs which is further divided into villages. Balochistan Police is responsible for law-and-order maintenance in urban areas only, called 'A Areas.' Rural areas, more than 80% of Balochistan, is 'B Area' policed by Balochistan Levies, whereas the Frontier Corps (FC) operates in both. For some years now, Army-led FC has been divided into a North-South Force.
The provincial economy stands on mining, subsistence agriculture, sheep farming, cotton/wool manufacturing, limited textile, fishing, food processing, carpet weaving, leather embroidery, handicrafts, etc. Nomadic Baloch tumans are settling down.
Academically, Baloch ethnicity is not clearly defined. Many communities identifying as Baloch are of alien origin and assimilated over four centuries. There is no evidence that all Baloch communities scattered in Iran, Afghanistan and Turkmenistan (non-Balochi-speaking) are in fact historically related, with common ancestry like Pashtuns.
Baloch traditions contain commendable traits like 'Bijjar' (cooperation) and 'Fafan-o-Kharch/Kharch-o-Kaffan' where relatives, friends and fellow tribesmen contribute to marriage and funeral expenses, respectively, in cash or kind. Under 'Maihrh', the party in conflict sends a mediator to the other party to establish peace. The mediator calls for truce on agreed terms, like the nanawatee tradition among Pashtuns. Like the Pashtun 'hamsaya' and 'melmestia' traditions, Baloch tumans practice 'Baahot' to provide shelter, protection and hospitality to anyone entering a Baloch home. Despite such humane tribalism, it is deplorable that Punjabi travellers in Baloch lands are brutally murdered by the so-called flag-bearers of Baloch pride and traditions.
Having explored relevant factors, we move on to the antidote. Synchronised efforts be made to contain youth discontent and its recruitment by militants, deflating militant narrative, addressing genuine grievances, and enabling youth to come out of the Sardari-Militant influences. State should 'initiate' narrative and not just 'respond' to militants' one.
Secondly, doling out money to Sardars, political engineering and patronage have not helped the sparsely populated Balochistan, especially the Central Balochistan under militancy. Therefore, it is recommended that State, especially in the affected areas, need to enhance its administrative and security footprint under full, continuous and unflinching support of all LEAs. Military/FC may consider pervasive brigade size encampments. Local acceptance would accrue overtime. Pano Aqil Cantt is an example.
Thirdly, nurturing indigenous leadership alternative will succeed once the recalcitrant Sardar is considerably weakened. This necessitates trying a different form of Administration under a 'mostly' non-local provincial bureaucracy with Federal oversight (political and Army/FC), controlling resource-allocation and utilisation till the time a good level of mainstreaming in the entire Baloch area, especially the central part, is achieved. Process can be phased.
Fourthly, certain drastic measures ought to be 'considered' like: a) populating the central Baloch areas with migration from other parts of Pakistan KP and Sindh initially (Afghan Emir Abdur Rehman/Kashmir model); b) division between Pashtun North and Baloch South, or any administratively practical contraption, in sync with sentiment for smaller provinces. And as a rule, the major federating unit should stop denigrating smaller units by looking down at them.
It is time to act, now and fast!
India’s concern over Sri Lanka’s elections lays bare a hegemonic mind-set
By: Global Times | September 26, 2024
Anura Kumara Dissanayake was sworn in as the new president of Sri Lanka on Monday after the National People's Power leader won the presidential election. This marks the first time in the country's history that a Marxist leader has assumed the role.
Some Indian and Western media outlets have been quick to nervously analyze Sri Lanka's possible attitude toward India. Media outlets like the Times of India and Deccan Herald have noted that the Janatha Vimukthi Peramuna (JVP), also led by Dissanayake, has an "anti-India record and pro-China leaning." To drive a wedge between China and Sri Lanka, the Indian Express even made an issue of Sri Lanka's debt problem, claiming "India has been a willing partner to Sri Lanka's debt restructuring, unlike China."
India's concerns and attempts to undermine China-Sri Lanka relations over so-called debt traps reflect a great power competition mind-set, exposing its regional hegemonic ambitions and worries about the decline of its influence in South Asia, Long Xingchun, a professor from the School of International Relations at Sichuan International Studies University, told the Global Times.
India has long viewed South Asia as its sphere of influence, insisting that countries in the region adhere to an "India first" policy. However, such a hegemonic mind-set does not align with the interests and development needs of South Asian countries such as Sri Lanka, the Maldives, Bangladesh, Nepal and Bhutan. What these nations most need is to strengthen themselves and improve their economies, and cooperation with China is undoubtedly a favorable choice.
Sri Lanka was one of the first countries to welcome and join the China-proposed Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). Port City Colombo and the Hambantota Port, which are flagship projects under the BRI cooperation framework, have significantly promoted Sri Lanka's economic development and improved living standards, facilitating the country's modernization process. Clearly, a win-win approach is the direction in which people are inclined to move.
Normal, healthy and sound state-to-state relations can only be built on mutual respect, equality and mutual benefits. Just as Chinese President Xi Jinping said when congratulating Dissanayake on assuming the presidency of Sri Lanka on Monday, China and Sri Lanka have set a good example of friendly coexistence and mutually beneficial cooperation between countries of different sizes.
"Attempts to hinder South Asian countries from collaborating with others through smear tactics are unhealthy, impractical and unlikely to succeed," said Long.
Since the British Empire's withdrawal from South Asia after World War II, South Asian nations have developed into modern nation-states, with the concept of sovereign equality taking root. No country wishes to accept being in India's sphere of influence, nor do any political elites in neighboring countries willingly subordinate themselves to New Delhi. India's anxiety over Sri Lanka's election results, its various unfounded worries about Sri Lankan diplomacy, and its attempts to undermine China-Sri Lanka relations stem from its perception of itself as the sole regional hegemon, which burdens it excessively.
Recent years have witnessed the emergence of an "India Out" campaign among South Asian countries, which is a result of India's mistaken policies and mind-set of treating South Asia and the Indian Ocean as its sphere of influence.
Experts suggest that, as an independent sovereign state, maintaining its own interests is paramount for the Sri Lankan government, which is expected to continue a balanced diplomatic approach. As Dissanayake pointed out in an interview, "Sri Lanka won't be a competitor in that geopolitical fight, nor will we be aligned to any party. We don't want to be sandwiched, especially between China and India. Both countries are valued friends."
India's anxiety only reveals its petty mind-set. As a regional power, India should respect Sri Lanka's sovereignty and the foreign development choices it makes based on its own interests. It should refrain from its hegemonic impulse to exert pressure on or interfere in Sri Lanka's external cooperation.
China-Pakistan Economic Corridor benefits people of Balochistan
By: Zhang Hao | September 26, 2024
In June, the China-Pakistan Friendship Hospital (CPFH) in Gwadar, Balochistan, was officially handed over to the Pakistani side. As a significant livelihood project under the framework of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), this modern comprehensive hospital, with 150 beds, features an intensive care unit,a neonatal intensive care unit, and four fully equipped operating rooms. It serves over 900 patients daily and employs nearly 300 local people. Fahad Muhammad, the Pakistani project director of the hospital, stated that there was no second hospital in the entire province of Balochistan that met international standards like this one, which would benefit the people of Balochistan as a whole.
“To get rich, we must first build roads”. China’s over 40 years of reform and opening up have revealed that for a country or region to achieve sustained development and improve people’s lives, upgrading infrastructure is essential. The China-Pakistan Friendship Hospital in Gwadar is a clear example of how the construction of CPEC has boosted the improvement of infrastructure in Balochistan and benefited local people.
Since its launch in 2013, the CPEC has brought water and electricity, roads and airports, schools and hospitals to the people of Balochistan, leading to more employment opportunities, improved living conditions, and a promising future. Take Gwadar Port as an example, whose part, driven by the construction of CPEC, has developed into a multi-purpose terminal with three multi-purpose berths, capable of docking two 50,000-ton cargo ships at the same time. A regular container shipping service has also been launched. The China-assisted Gwadar East Bay Expressway was officially opened in June 2022, creating a transportation link between Gwadar Port and the southern key city of Karachi, enhancing connectivity between Gwadar Port and the economic heartland of Pakistan.
The new Gwadar International Airport completed its test flights in June, and when completed, it will form a modern three-dimensional transport network by sea, land and air together with the maritime route of Gwadar Port and the East Bay Expressway. The construction of the new port, road, and airport has transformed the Gwadar region from a remote fishing village into an important regional logistics hub and industrial base. The number of local shops, communication base stations, cold storage facilities, and restaurants has doubled in recent years, and the number of tourists has also doubled, leading to a significant increase in local people’s income, and as the saying goes, “a rising tide lifts all boats”. This demonstrates that the traction effect of infrastructure development on improving people’s livelihoods will be substantial and continuous to be released.
In promoting the construction of the CPEC, China focuses on large-scale infrastructure projects that support the long-term development of Balochistan while also carrying out numerous “small yet smart” livelihood assistance projects:
We are committed to providing timely assistance. During the pandemic, the Chinese government provided essential supplies such as rice, flour, and cooking oil to fishermen in Gwadar, effectively alleviating their difficulties. After the floods in 2022, the Chinese Embassy in Pakistan promptly distributed relief supplies to 3,000 affected households in the Bugti tribal area, helping them to get through the difficult times. When Balochistan was hit by floods again this year, the Chinese government quickly provided $100,000 in emergency cash assistance and 10,000 pieces of solar-powered lighting equipment, endeavouring to alleviate difficulties.
We care about the development of women and children. The Chinese government’s project to donate 20,000 women’s health kits to Balochistan was launched in July, aiming to improve the quality of life and health awareness of local women. The Chinese-aided Gwadar Faqeer School was expanded from a primary school to a primary and middle school with modern teaching facilities, including multi-purpose classrooms, and the original enrolment of 150 students has increased to more than 1,000, and is known as “the school that grows up” by the local people. The Pak-China Technical and Vocational Institute at Gwadar focuses on short-term professional training for local workers, with 366 trainees already graduated and 145 currently enrolled. Students from Gwadar can attend for free and have the opportunity to study in China in the future.
We provide assistance tailored to local conditions. The Chinese government organized enterprises to donate high-yield hybrid rice seeds to farmers affected by disasters in Balochistan, allowing them to enjoy the joy of a bountiful harvest with “Chinese seeds”. The Central South University of Forestry and Technology in China has cultivated plants such as date palms, figs, and Sesbania in Balochistan, not only increasing local vegetation coverage but also providing food sources or animal feed, effectively boosting local people’s economic income. The Chinese Consulate General in Karachi implemented the “Lighting up Gwadar” project, installing 73 solar street lights to illuminate roads used by Gwadar fishermen at night.
“Of all the things that matter, people’s livelihood comes first”. In the new era of socialism with Chinese characteristics, the most important value orientation of the Chinese government’s governance is to further safeguard, improve, and develop people’s livelihood, striving to realize the people’s aspirations for a better life. The second phase of the CPEC will continue to uphold this development concept, making greater contributions to the economic development and livelihood improvement of Balochistan, benefiting more local people, and fully demonstrating the universally beneficial and inclusive nature of China-Pakistan friendly cooperation.
The construction of the CPEC is inseparable from the efforts of numerous Chinese enterprises. While promoting industrial development and providing a large number of employment opportunities in Balochistan, they have also taken on the role of fulfilling their Corporate Social Responsibility with heart and soul, and have sincerely solved practical difficulties for the people of of Balochistan through various means such as building roads, bridges, wells, hospitals, schools, and donating materials.
The Hub Coal Power Project not only created nearly 10,000 jobs in Balochistan during its construction but also continued to carry out desert tree planting and coastal cleaning activities for many years, and helped build a fishing pier and a public welfare school. The Saindak Copper Gold Project built the only high school in the area, Saindak High School, providing free education to more than 600 students, and its project hospital serves over 4,000 villagers. Since its operation, the Duddar Lead-zinc Mine Project has newly built and renovated six surrounding primary and secondary school buildings and regularly assisted about 300 students in surrounding community schools with study and living supplies.
The project has also funded the continuous maintenance of roads and bridges within 100 km from Duddar to Winder and constructed a causeway, completely solving the problem of poor transportation during the rainy season in the Kanraj area, effectively ensuring that the transportation lifeline in surrounding communities stays smooth.
“Of all the things that matter, people’s livelihood comes first”. In the new era of socialism with Chinese characteristics, the most important value orientation of the Chinese government’s governance is to further safeguard, improve, and develop people’s livelihood, striving to realize the people’s aspirations for a better life. The second phase of the CPEC will continue to uphold this development concept, making greater contributions to the economic development and livelihood improvement of Balochistan, benefiting more local people, and fully demonstrating the universally beneficial and inclusive nature of China-Pakistan friendly cooperation.
Israel, the Middle East, and Pakistan
By: Haroon Khawaja | September 26, 2024
As the war in Gaza nears its one-year mark, Israel’s goal of decimating Hamas remains elusive. Despite its military preparedness and technological superiority, bolstered by support from the United States and Europe, Israel has been unable to achieve the total victory envisioned by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Efforts by the U.S., Egypt, Qatar, and other nations to broker a ceasefire in exchange for Israeli hostages have stalled, with little progress beyond statements from world leaders. Politics appears to have overshadowed this already complex issue, which involves occupation, the fight for freedom, terrorism, religion, personal agendas, and more. The following is an attempt to untangle this web by examining the competing viewpoints of the various parties involved and what may lie ahead in this ongoing human tragedy.
From Israel’s perspective, it has successfully destroyed or seized critical supply routes from Egypt to Gaza, including the key Philadelphi Corridor, a 300-foot-wide, eight-mile-long strip from Israel’s border to the Mediterranean. This corridor, which connects Gaza to the northeast and Egypt to the southwest, was a vital supply route for weapons and food transportation to Hamas. Israel claims to have killed or captured approximately 14,000 combatants in Gaza and eliminated half the leadership of the Qassam Brigades, Hamas’s military wing, including figures like Muhammad Deif and Marwan Issa. The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) assert they can now move freely throughout Gaza, claiming that Hamas is so weakened that it has reportedly informed international negotiators of its willingness to relinquish civilian control of Gaza after a ceasefire.
However, Israel believes that if it withdraws from Gaza now, Hamas could regroup and regain strength within a year. Israeli military officials estimate that another two to three months of intense fighting in central and southern Gaza will be necessary before transitioning to intelligence-based raids and strikes over the next year. This strategy aims to eliminate remaining Hamas fighters and dismantle their weapons infrastructure before allowing another party to assume administrative control of Gaza. The U.S. assessment suggests that Hamas is no longer capable of orchestrating attacks on the scale of those seen on October 7, and its ability to launch smaller terrorist strikes is in question. However, American officials caution that Hamas may reconstitute itself after Israeli forces leave an area, particularly if there is no clear follow-up plan for governance and security.
Israel understands that the return of approximately 115 hostages, whether alive or dead, can only be secured through negotiations.
Hamas, from the outset, has pursued a strategy of “survival as victory.” It has instructed its fighters to hide within its extensive tunnel network beneath Gaza or among the civilian population. While Israel has tried to target these tunnels, the underground network has proved more extensive than anticipated, allowing Hamas leaders and fighters to evade capture. Hamas claims that Israeli forces are exhausted and eager for an end to the conflict, and believes that continued fighting will lead to more civilian casualties, increasing global opposition to Israel while generating support for the Palestinian cause.
Meanwhile, the U.S. has formed security and economic coalitions to contain Russia in Europe, China in the Pacific, and to isolate Iran in the Middle East. These coalitions extend from Japan, South Korea, and the Philippines in Asia-Pacific to India in the Persian Gulf and NATO in Europe. A proposed defense alliance with Saudi Arabia is key to linking these alliances. However, for the U.S. Congress to approve a defense pact with Saudi Arabia, the olive branch would be the normalisation of relations between Saudi Arabia and Israel. In return, Saudi Arabia would require a ceasefire in Gaza and a commitment to a two-state solution leading to a Palestinian state in the future. A ceasefire deal with Hamas, coupled with the release of Israeli hostages, could also compel Hezbollah to cease hostilities. At that point, Israel could begin negotiations with the Palestinian Authority, paving the way for normalised relations with Saudi Arabia—a significant diplomatic victory for both the U.S. and Israel. This would potentially open the door for Egypt, the UAE, and Morocco to send peacekeeping forces to Gaza, with the Palestinian Authority representing the Palestinian people rather than Hamas. Such a coalition could counter Iran’s alliances with Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis, and Iraqi militias.
However, this diplomatic scenario faces hurdles. Prime Minister Netanyahu, indicted in 2019 on charges of fraud, bribery, and breach of trust, is motivated to stay in power to avoid prison if convicted. His government relies on a fragile coalition with far-right Jewish supremacists who oppose a two-state solution and threaten to topple his government if he agrees to a ceasefire or a deal with Saudi Arabia. Netanyahu has historically undermined the Palestinian Authority in the West Bank, criticising its incompetence and corruption, even though it recognised Israel and signed the Oslo Accords. He has allowed Hamas to strengthen in Gaza as a means to keep the Palestinian people divided, even permitting Qatar to send $1 billion to Hamas for humanitarian aid and salaries.
Netanyahu is aware that the younger Democratic base in the U.S. is increasingly critical of Israel’s actions in Gaza. Thus, a Democratic victory in the upcoming U.S. elections would not align with his interests. If Netanyahu refuses to agree to a ceasefire and a hostage deal, this would place U.S. Vice President Kamala Harris in a difficult position, forcing her either to criticise Netanyahu and risk losing Jewish support, or to remain silent and lose Arab backing—both of which could harm her in the eyes of American voters. On the other hand, former President Donald Trump supports Netanyahu’s hardline approach in Gaza. A Trump victory in the 2024 U.S. elections would align with Netanyahu’s goals. If Trump wins, Netanyahu could announce a ceasefire, the return of hostages, and a Saudi deal, declaring it a victory for Israel, which could secure his re-election without needing the support of right-wing coalition partners.
In a broader context, Netanyahu sees an alliance with Saudi Arabia and other Middle Eastern nations as a diplomatic milestone, creating an Israeli-Arab partnership against Iran’s regional influence. However, this alliance would be incomplete without Pakistan, which holds one of the world’s most powerful militaries and is the only nuclear-armed Islamic country. Pakistan’s ailing economy, dependent on financial support from Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Western lenders, might pressure it into joining the coalition, provided there is a path to Palestinian statehood and relief from its mounting foreign debt. But Pakistan faces a difficult choice, as its population has long viewed Israel as an occupying force. The possibility of Pakistan recognising Israel—something unthinkable for nearly eight decades—would be a monumental shift. The question remains whether Pakistan will join the Israel-Saudi alliance, and if Israel will deem the Saudi deal complete without Pakistan’s involvement.
The solution to the war in Gaza and the broader Israeli-Palestinian conflict is far more complex than the immediate dynamics between Israel, Gaza, and the West Bank. The multitude of competing interests, extending far beyond the Middle East, must align before there is any hope of lasting peace in the region and the world.
Nation of Potential and Paradox
By: Dr. Jamal Shah | September 26, 2024
Pakistan, a developing country, is burdened with a significant amount of internal and external debt; however, this is only one side of the coin. The other side reveals a nation rich in natural and human resources, bursting with potential to drive the country towards prosperity. Yet, despite these promising resources, Pakistan’s economic narrative is tarnished by mismanagement, personal interests, and a profound lack of commitment to the nation’s growth. This paradox leaves the country staggering on the edge of both promise and peril.
To understand the depth of Pakistan’s economic challenges, one must first examine the fundamental pillars of its economy. Historically, Pakistan has been an agrarian economy, with agriculture serving as the backbone of its GDP. However, the contribution of agriculture to GDP has sharply declined, from 42% in 1967 to just 22% in 2022. While such a shift might be seen as a natural progression towards industrialization, Pakistan’s industrial sector has failed to meet expectations. The sector’s share of GDP has remained relatively stagnant, rising from 11.3% in 1960 to only 11.9% in 2022. This slow growth has not been sufficient to offset the decline in agriculture, leaving the economy unbalanced and overly dependent on the services sector, which now accounts for 52% of GDP.
Exports represent a crucial component of a robust economy. Unfortunately, Pakistan’s export performance is abysmal. In 1962, exports accounted for a mere 7.1% of the total GDP, a figure that rose to 9.0% in 2022. Although there were fluctuations during this period, the long-term trend has remained nearly constant. This stagnation, coupled with an increase in imports from 13% in 1962 to 18% in 2021, has left Pakistan grappling with a persistent current account deficit. A positive current account balance (CAB) is a hallmark of a healthy economy. However, since 1970, Pakistan’s CAB has been positive for only four years—specifically in 1983, 2001, 2002, and 2003, highlighting a chronic imbalance that threatens economic stability.
The roots of Pakistan’s economic troubles run deep, extending into critical sectors like education and healthcare. Education, a cornerstone of human capital, is essential for enhancing worker productivity and fostering economic growth. However, Pakistan’s investment in education remains alarmingly inadequate, with just 2.4% of GDP allocated in 2020. This figure is significantly lower than that of neighboring developing countries such as Bhutan, India, and China, which allocated 7.0%, 4.5%, and 3.6%, respectively. In addition, Malaysia, Kuwait, Bahrain, Qatar, Oman, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE allocated roughly 16%, 13%, 9%, 8.6%, 12.4%, 19%, and 12.6% of their respective GDPs to education. Similarly, in terms of healthcare expenditure, Pakistan lags behind its counterparts. In 2020, Pakistan’s healthcare expenditure accounted for only 3.3% of GDP, which is relatively low compared to other emerging economies.
Equally concerning is Pakistan’s underinvestment in research and development (R&D), a key driver of innovation and economic progress. In 2020, the country allocated just 0.20% of its GDP to R&D. In comparison, India’s expenditure on R&D amounted to 0.66%, China’s to 2.4%, Malaysia’s to 1.4%, Japan’s to 3.26%, and the UAE’s to 1.4%. Meanwhile, Israel and South Korea allocated 5.4% and 4.8% of their total GDP to R&D, respectively, placing them at the top of the list.
Amid these challenges, Pakistan’s tourism industry holds significant potential to boost the country’s GDP. The nation is home to a wealth of cultural, historical, and natural attractions, from the ancient ruins of Mohenjo-Daro to the breathtaking landscapes of the Northern Areas, which have been recognized by prominent travel guidebooks and magazines such as Lonely Planet, Condé Nast Traveller, and Forbes. In 2021, travel and tourism contributed USD 18 billion to the economy, yet this represented only 2.7% of GDP—far below its potential. In comparison, nations like Spain (15%), Malta (15%), Italy (9.1%), China (11%), India (6.1%), Thailand (8.5%), Malaysia (6.5%), Nepal (6.1%), and Bangladesh (4%) derive a much larger share of their GDP from tourism, underscoring the untapped potential that Pakistan could leverage with the right investments in infrastructure, marketing, and security.
However, while sectors like tourism show promise, others, such as military expenditure, raise questions about national priorities. In 2021, Pakistan allocated a substantial 3.82% of its GDP to military spending, a figure that overshadowed investments in education, healthcare, and R&D. This disproportionate spending, much of which remains unaccounted for due to purported national security concerns, underscores a misalignment in resource allocation that hampers broader economic development. The path forward for Pakistan involves not only acknowledging these challenges but also harnessing its latent potential. The cotton industry, for instance, plays a critical role in the economy yet faces numerous hurdles, ranging from pest infestations to energy shortages. Addressing these issues through targeted investments in technology, infrastructure, and farmer incentives could significantly boost productivity and exports, potentially generating more than $10 billion annually.
Similarly, the tourism sector offers a vast opportunity to diversify the economy and create jobs. By investing in high-quality hotels, reliable transportation, and effective international marketing, Pakistan could transform its tourism industry into a major economic driver, capable of contributing between $15 billion and $20 billion annually.
Pakistan’s economic narrative is one of contrasts—a nation rich in resources yet hampered by mismanagement, a country with immense potential yet weighed down by outdated priorities. To unlock its full potential, Pakistan must recalibrate its focus, investing in human capital, innovation, and industries that promise sustainable growth. Only then can the country move from the brink of economic peril to the threshold of prosperity.
Climate finance ecosystem
By: Ali Tauqeer Sheikh | September 26, 2024
In a frantic reaction to Pakistan’s desperate fiscal situation, the entire attention of key ministries and departments has moved to access international climate finance. The hope is that, if successful, this can ease the financial squeeze. This newfound priority has debased the national debate that ensued after the 2022 floods, from prioritising community resilience and low carbon development to accessing finances from some under-accessed sources.
The shaking of the apple tree has not stemmed from specific provincial or sectoral estimates of financial needs. Instead, it has sprung from the urgency to plug the financial gaps that are forcing Pakistan to annually restructure its debt. It is clear that the urgency to access climate finance is driven by the present narrow fiscal space, and not the importance to invest in resilient, bottom-up demand. The sincerity of motivation has emerged as a barrier, adding to the long list of chronic obstacles.
This is in spite of the fact that during the last 50 years, Pakistan has developed an elaborate institutional and policy architecture dealing with environment and climate change. The process started with the Pakistan Environment Protection Ordinance in 1983, followed by the approval of the National Conservation Strategy (1992), Environmental Protection Act (1997), National Environment Policy (2005), and a wave of climate policy documents since the 18th Constitutional Amendment of 2010.
The inability to stock-take has impeded the development of the climate finance ecosystem.
None of these policies defined the decision-making tree for policy coordination, resource allocations, or timelines needed for implementation of specific policy initiatives, let alone identifying the structural barriers to their implementation.
While presenting impressive plans, they fell short of identifying key constitutional, legal, or institutional constraints to their environment and climate actions. None of the websites of national and provincial climate-related outfits carry any study on why our policies have failed the implementation test. This inability to stock-take has impeded the development of the climate finance ecosystem.
Specific questions begging clarity on mandates, respective roles and responsibilities between the provinces and the federal government, and between the climate and other sectoral ministries, particularly the planning ministry, remain unaddressed. The planning ministry holds the key to engaging with provincial planning boards in order to embed climate considerations in the public sector development portfolio and provincial annual development plans. Lopsided development has not allowed the climate finance ecosystem to take root.
The ecosystem in our context is a web of intricate interactions reflected by hard and dotted lines, indicating the complexity and richness of the functioning of its parts. The dynamic nature and interdependence of their interactions, as in natural systems, reflects both its fragility and resilience. The backward and forward loops, as in systems theory, will be indicative of its health and ability to protect itself from predators. In the climate change realm, the predators include domestic and international interest groups, and undue outside influences and interferences retarding its functioning.
Therefore, the ecosystem in our context does not only refer to cataloguing the existence of institutions, their mandates, rules, regulations and procedures, or the existence of their policy or strategy documents. Instead, it also encompasses their formal and informal relationships and linkages with each other and their respective constituencies and stakeholders, to protect the interests and well-being of everyone affected by climatic changes as users, consumers, or taxpayers.
How well has this ecosystem evolved in the last 50 years and how well is it working? The response to the following five factors shapes the size and influences the scale of the flow of international finance for climate action:
Institutional and policy landscape: Has the climate ecosystem resolved the key governance and regulatory issues? Or does the tendency persist to evade questions that deal with clearly defining the roles and responsibilities of all national and provincial actors? Introducing a legislative package that mandates climate action across the sectors and tiers of governance can clear the obstructed path to action, instead of adding yet another tier of institutions.
Sectoral integration and action plans: Does the ecosystem include sector-specific action plans for concrete climate measures?
The absence of sectoral action plans that do not include adaptation strategies to build resilience, mitigation measures to curtail greenhouse gas emissions, or protect communities from loss and damage from rapid-onset and slow-onset will impede alignment with the country’s national targets and international obligations. Such plans can help identify opportunities for green growth and low-carbon development within each sector.
Subnational implementation: Does the ecosystem commit to deliver resources at local levels by recognising that climate impacts are always localised?
This would entail setting up local governments and allowing them to function. They can develop and implement their own, locally led action plans to create resilience, build local capacities, and diversify livelihood opportunities. Nothing is more important for climate justice than inclusion and equity for a well-functioning ecosystem.
Stakeholder engagement and partnerships: Has the ecosystem engaged dynamic organisations, academia, small and medium enterprises, women and youth? Has the partnership with the private sector been designed to strengthen local markets and nationally generate revenues and finances? It is imperative to leverage private sector investment in low-carbon or disruptive technologies for climate-resilient infrastructure.
Climate finance mechanisms: Does the ecosystem include instruments for channelling domestic and international climate finance?
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Blending private sector contributions, international climate finance, and domestic budgetary allocations have catalytical importance in the present economic situation for derisking climate investments. These can be enablers for enhancing direct access to international climate funds such as the Green Climate Fund.
The climate finance ecosystem will be incomplete unless it covers mitigation actions, adaptation efforts, and loss and damage planning. The national discourse will have greater credibility if it is based on the firm foundation of reprioritising community resilience and low carbon development, rather than seeking climate finances without a well-functioning climate finance ecosystem.
Shanghai coop organization, Shanghai spirit
By: Mazhar Javed | September 25, 2024
Some three weeks from now, Pakistan will be hosting the Heads of Govern-ment (CHG) of the Shanghai Cooperation organization (SCO). Shanghai Cooperation Organization is an intergovernmental organization for cooperation. Its members in-clude Pakistan, China, Russia, India, Iran, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Uz-bekistan and Belarus. Besides, three countries have Observers status and another fourteen enjoy Dialogue Partner status.
SCO has a broad agenda encompassing cooperation in trade, economy, tech-nology, culture, energy, communications and environment. It seeks to make joint en-deavours for peace and stability in the region to create a just and rational political and economic international order.
SCO offers Pakistan an opportunity to realize the economic dividends of its geographical position. Pakistan is located at the crossroads of three important regions: Central Asia, South Asia and West Asia. Its direct border with China and CPEC mas-sively add to its economic potential. This location is at the confluence of an ancient silk road. Pakistan’s position on the map is a great economic asset that it must make full use of. Largely because of the situation in Afghanistan, this has so far remained a liability more than an asset.
That comes on the top of strong historical and cultural bonds that Pakistan has with these regions. Strength of these cultural and historical links simply cannot be overstated. Region that constitutes Pakistan today has been a melting pot of South, Central and West Asian cultures for more than a thousand years. Mughals came from Central Asia with their strong contribution to the Urdu language. Well over a thou-sand years ago Shah Rukn-i-Aalam and Bahauddin Zakria came from Uzbekistan. Shams Sabzwari had come from Iran. Mahiwal of famous love story Sohni Mahiwal was from Uzbekistan. For Pakistan, strengthening its communications, trade and other economic links with SCO members is important. Pakistan hosted an SCO Trade and Economy Minis-ters’ meeting earlier this month. This meeting approved Pakistan’s proposal to strengthen and facilitate cooperation between the Trade Promotion Organization of the member countries. ‘If’ made use of, that can help Pakistan diversify its trading part-ners and export commodities.
SCO says it underpins the principles of “Shanghai Spirit”. The Declaration that established SCO in 2001 said Shanghai Spirit embodies mutual trust, mutual benefit, equality, joint consultations, respect for cultural diversity and aspiration for collective development. It was developed and felt during handling difficult border and security issues in the post Cold War period in late 1990s.
Today, we are living in a world marked by discontent. 35 years after the Cold War have seen much more of war than 45 years of cold war. And that continues un-abated. As we speak, world is seeing genocide in Gaza and war Ukraine. Pain of genocide in Gaza is being felt and protested against by the publics across the globe. Signs of immediate end to either of the two is nowhere in sight. Trust in the rule-based international system or the United Nations ability to deliver peace, security and justice is at its lowest ebb.
On the economic front, Developing countries have for long felt betrayed and deprived of their due rights; on trade rules, on monetary discipline and on social is-sues.WTO system is weakening by the day with protectionism showing a robust comeback. Not that the WTO system was just and fair, but fear is that its collapse would be worse than its existence; a law of the jungle. On the environment, nations that polluted the environment for centuries are unwilling to shoulder their full respon-sibilities. In this air of discontent, hearing about Shanghai spirit comes like music to the ears. But hold on, words in diplomatic statements are always good and pleasing. Real challenge is in their implementation, especially when it comes to reconciling differ-ences between nations with diverse ethos and policies. How does that translate into the SCO context.
India has an irresistible itch to mess with all its neighbors. Two of its neighbors Pakistan and China sit next to it on SCO Conference tables and co-author joint state-ments and documents with it. One such document is ‘Comprehensive Action Plan (2023-2027) for Implementation of Long-Term Good Neighborliness, Friendship, and Coop¬eration among the SCO Members.
India’s opposition to CPEC runs diametrically opposed to Shanghai spirit. In SCO too, India has brought in a bilateral agenda. Poor diplomatic behavior, void of accepted norms, displayed by India during Pakistan Foreign Minister’s visit to India to attend SCO Meeting in 2023 was a clear statement of India putting bilateral disputes above multilateralism. Recall the Charter of the SCO calls for “equality and mutual benefit, resolution of all issues through mutual consultations, non-interference in in-ternal affairs, non-use or threat of use of military force, and renunciation of unilat-eral military superiority in neighboring areas”.
India has a long history of putting regionalism subservient to bilateral issues. SAARC lost its steam because of repeated brakes applied by India on bilateral issues. India’s decision to participate or not in the upcoming SCO meeting in Islamabad will be important in assessing its respect for multilateralism, regional approach and Shanghai spirit.
Finally, for quite a while Pakistan has not hosted a major international event. Successful hosting a meeting of Heads of Government will provide us an opportunity for diplomatic showcasing and sending a message of our commitment to Shanghai Cooperation Organization and Shanghai spirit. To what extent, Shanghai spirit trans-lates into reality remains to be seen. But certainly it requires a sincere effort on the part of all stakeholders.
Humanity’s next revolution
By: Atta-ur-Rahman | September 25, 2024
Artificial intelligence relates to software developments. Another fantastic advance that is occurring simultaneously in the field of computer hardware is that of quantum computing. When these two frontiers merge, humanity will experience a fourth revolution. The steam engine revolutionized transportation and manufacturing, laying the groundwork for the industrial age.
The Second Industrial Revolution was defined by remarkable innovations like electricity and the internal combustion engine, reshaping the industrial and urban landscape. The expansion of rail and telegraph networks connected vast distances, revolutionizing communication and bringing about a new era of global connectivity.
The Third Industrial Revolution brought in the digital age, triggered by the development of semiconductors. It led to te development of personal computers and mobile phones, transforming communication, entertainment, and work. We are now experiencing the Fourth Industrial Revolution through the advent of artificial intelligence that is enhancing human capabilities and transforming industries, healthcare, and various other aspects of daily life. This will merge with quantum computers to create a brave new world that will be stranger than our wildest imaginations.
Quantum computing is one of the most exciting and revolutionary developments in science and technology today. It promises to solve certain problems billions of times faster than classical computers can. To understand quantum computing, let's first look at classical computers – the computers we use every day.
Classical computers process information in binary, using bits that represent either a 0 or a 1. These bits are the basic units of information, and everything your computer does boils down to manipulating these bits through logic.
Quantum computing is different. It’s based on the principles of quantum mechanics, which is a branch of physics that studies the smallest particles in the universe, like atoms and electrons. Quantum computers use qubits (quantum bits) instead of classical bits. The key difference is that qubits can exist in multiple states at once, thanks to some unique quantum properties. These qubits can be both 0 and 1 at the same time due to a property called superposition. Imagine spinning a coin. This property allows quantum computers to process a vast amount of information simultaneously.
Therefore, the beauty of superposition is that a quantum computer can explore many solutions to a problem at once, whereas a classical computer would have to try each solution one after the other. Since qubits can exist in a superposition of multiple states, they are, in a sense, exploring many possible outcomes at once. This has led some scientists and theorists to suggest that quantum computers may be taking advantage of parallel universes (‘multiverse’) to perform calculations.
Now let us compare classical and quantum computing with a simple analogy. Imagine you’re trying to solve a maze. A classical computer would try every possible path through the maze one at a time. If it hits a dead end, it turns around and tries a different route. Eventually, it will find the right path, but it might take a long time. Now, imagine a quantum computer. Thanks to superposition, it can try multiple paths simultaneously. Instead of going down one path at a time, the quantum computer explores many different paths at once. It can also amplify the correct paths and ignore the dead ends. In this way, a quantum computer could find the correct path through the maze billions of times faster than a classical computer.
The field has many potential applications. Today’s online security systems, such as those that protect your credit card information, rely on complex math problems that are very difficult for classical computers to solve. These systems are based on the difficulty of factoring large numbers. However, quantum computers could solve these problems extremely quickly, making today’s encryption methods obsolete. In the field of drug development too, quantum computing combined with artificial intelligence can bring in revolutionary changes.
Molecules and chemical reactions are governed by quantum mechanics. Classical computers struggle to simulate complex molecules because the number of variables involved grows exponentially as the molecules get bigger. Quantum computers, on the other hand, are naturally suited to simulating molecular interactions. This could revolutionize drug discovery by allowing scientists to model new drugs much more accurately, potentially leading to cures for diseases like cancer or Alzheimer’s.
Quantum computers could also improve machine learning algorithms, making AI more powerful and efficient in fields like speech recognition, medical diagnosis, and autonomous vehicles.
Many industries, from logistics to finance, deal with optimization problems – figuring out the best way to do something when there are a huge number of variables involved. For example, finding the most efficient route for delivery trucks, optimizing supply chains, or managing financial portfolios all involve optimization.
Quantum computers could solve these problems much faster than classical computers, which would save time and resources across various industries. From understanding the origin of the universe to predicting the behaviour of the stock exchange or finding cures for various diseases, quantum computing combined with artificial intelligence is poised to change the very fabric of human civilization.
Although quantum computing holds immense promise, building a practical quantum computer is extremely challenging. One of the biggest challenges is maintaining the stability of qubits. Qubits are extremely sensitive to their environment, and small disturbances, like a change in temperature or electromagnetic noise, can cause them to lose their quantum state – a phenomenon called decoherence.
Another challenge is that quantum computers are prone to errors because qubits are so delicate. These errors can accumulate and affect the final result of a calculation. Developing ways to correct these errors without disrupting the quantum computation is a major area of research.
Scaling up the number of qbits while keeping them stable is another major challenge. Quantum computers need to operate at extremely low temperatures, near absolute zero (-273 C), to prevent decoherence. Maintaining such cold environments is technologically complex and expensive, making quantum computers difficult to build and maintain.
While there are still many technical challenges to overcome, the field is advancing rapidly, and companies, universities, and governments around the world are investing in quantum research. In the coming decades, we will see quantum computers solving real-world problems that classical computers can’t handle, leading to breakthroughs in fields ranging from medicine to finance to artificial intelligence.
Pakistan must prepare itself for this Fourth Industrial Revolution where artificial intelligence combined with quantum computing is on the verge of changing life on this planet forever.
Escaping a Terrorism Crisis
By: Dr Tehmina Aslam Ranjha | September 25, 2024
On September 22, Pakistan was lucky to have escaped a major terrorism crisis, when the police van escorting the convoy of foreign diplomats bore the brunt of a bomb blast on Malam Jabba Road in Swat, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK). The van transporting diplomats from eleven countries escaped unhurt.
Reportedly, foreign dignitaries from Indonesia, Portugal, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Tajikistan, Zimbabwe, Rwanda, Vietnam, Iran, Russia, and Bosnia and Herzegovina comprised the cavalcade. The diplomats were visiting the area to attend the Swat Tourism Summit at the request of the organizer, the Islamabad Chamber of Commerce and Industry. Hitherto, no terrorist group has claimed responsibility for the attack. However, an accusing finger is pointed at the Tehreke Taliban Pakistan (TTP), which is active in the area.
The incident raises a concern about the way Pakistan perceives the gravity of terrorism. In this regard, five reasons draw attention.
First, the incident speaks volumes about the failure of the foreign office to put in place a proper security mechanism for the safety of foreign diplomats. The attack was a security lapse. The foreign office sent a convoy of diplomats with a flawed security plan and with a minimum escort. It is known that Swat is a perilous area brimming with Islamic fundamentalists mostly affiliated with the TTP, which is now at war with Pakistan. The TTP has been attacking Pakistan’s security forces not only from within but also from across the western border with Afghanistan.
Any mishap could have shown to the world that Pakistan’s soil was not free of terrorist groups
Second, permitting foreign diplomats en masse to travel on the road was a decision tantamount to a blunder. Recently, using a suicide bomber, the TTP attacked a travelling van of Chinese engineers. The incident forced the Chinese to halt their work on a dam. China protested the incident with Pakistan. It seems that the protest fell on deaf ears in Pakistan. Otherwise, Pakistan would not have put in danger the lives of foreign diplomats, who just escaped because the remote-controlled improvised explosive device did not touch their vehicle. In such a case, there would have been a national disaster and mourning in Pakistan. Surprisingly, no vehicle having the facility of signal jammers was accompanying the convoy of diplomats, who just escaped a disaster.
Third, it seems that information was leaked from within the police department to the TTP operatives, who prefer attacking high-value targets. Perhaps, Pakistan is miscalculating the outreach of the TTP. Pakistan might be thinking that the TTP was specifically against the Chinese. Pakistan assumes that the TTP is backed by those countries which want to restrain China’s approach to Gwadar. Here, Pakistan overlooks the fact that the TTP is against anything meant to improve Pakistan politically (diplomatically) or financially. Any damage to foreign dignitaries would have cost Pakistan a lot in the sense of the loss of diplomatic goodwill, besides the credibility of safe and secure tourism. At the moment, it is just China that is complaining. Anyway, without an insider giving a tip-off to the TTP, the attack could not have happened.
Fourth, the incident was also an act of indiscretion of foreign diplomats to move around an area known for being infested with the TTP operatives. Moreover, it was known that, in 2022, the TTP had broken a ceasefire agreement with Pakistan’s government. The TTP was openly challenging Pakistan’s security forces in the province of KPK. Recently, an uptick in the TTP’s activities has been noticed. For the TTP, the winter is mostly a time for hibernation, whereas the summer is a time for activities. Foreign dignitaries must also be concerned about their safety, instead of exposing themselves to danger unnecessarily.
Fifth, Pakistan is underestimating the TTP’s potential to wreak havoc whenever an opportunity arises. It is heartening to know that, in the recent past, Pakistan’s security forces have launched a series of military operations to subdue the TTP threat, but the threat has gone latent. It is not over yet, especially after Pakistan installed a barbed wire along the border with Afghanistan. This act has given the TTP an excuse to raise the flag of ethnic nationalism, instead of accepting the reality of an international border. Now, the TTP’s attacks are both sporadic and random. Perhaps, this is why the TTP is highly selective in its targets.
Generally speaking, despite Pakistan’s efforts to reconcile with the TTP by entering into a peace or ceasefire agreement, the TTP is relentless in its intent and ferocity. The antagonism has reached the point that Munir Akram, Pakistan’s ambassador to the United Nations, has recently told the Security Council that the TTP is an “umbrella organization” supporting several terrorist groups (such as al-Qaeda, Daesh, and Central Asian militants) in the region under the auspices of the Afghan Taliban ruling over Kabul.
In a way, Pakistan lodged an indirect complaint against the Kabul regime still harbouring varied Islamic militants. Pakistan says that Kabul has been overseeing a terrorist network which is dangerous not only for the region but also for the whole world. This point justifies the reason for which Pakistan and Afghan border security forces trade fire now almost regularly across the fence installed by Pakistan. However, the world is not paying any heed to Pakistan’s entreaties, even though the UN has not recognized the Afghan Taliban’s government in Kabul.
Presently, regarding the TTP, Pakistan’s preferences are two: first, the TTP does not hold any territory, as it used to control Swat and Waziristan in the past; and second, the TTP operatives do not cross the international boundary freely and unchecked.
Pakistan overlooks the fact that without complete submission of the TTP, the terrorist threat in the country’s northwest is lingering. Taking out foreign diplomats to such a volatile area was no short of a gaffe. Any mishap could have shown to the world that Pakistan’s soil was not free of terrorist groups and that Pakistan was incapable of subduing terrorism on its land. Certainly, Pakistan needs careful treading.
How the hidden curriculum in English textbooks shapes minds
By: Farhana Shahzad | September 25, 2024
The phrase "hidden curriculum" may sound like something out of a spy novel - a covert operation unfolding in the shadows. But it's a pervasive issue in education. It refers to the unwritten lessons, values and norms embedded in educational materials, often without the awareness of curriculum designers or educators. In the realm of English Language Teaching (ELT), this hidden curriculum frequently prioritises the culture of native English speakers while sidelining the cultural identity of non-native learners.
In countries like Pakistan, where English is taught as a second or foreign language, this issue takes on added urgency. The "target culture" that permeates these textbooks gradually displaces the "source culture" - the students' own cultural backgrounds. The outcome? A generation of students who may become fluent in English but feel estranged from their own cultural roots.
The Quiet Power of Textbooks
Textbooks are the cornerstone of any classroom, especially in English language instruction. For many teachers, they are the go-to resource for lesson planning - the holy grail of teaching tools. While these books excel at teaching language skills, they also carry a hidden agenda - one that often goes unnoticed. This agenda subtly promotes the culture of English-speaking countries, often at the expense of the students' native culture.
This may seem like a minor issue, but its consequences are profound. When students are continually exposed to a curriculum that celebrates foreign cultures while ignoring their own, they may begin to internalise a sense of cultural inferiority. Over time, this can erode their sense of identity and belonging.
A Closer Look at the Research
The impact of the hidden curriculum is not just theoretical; it's been documented in numerous studies. Researchers have found that the content of ELT textbooks can shape students' attitudes toward themselves, others and society at large. Cunningsworth (1995) noted that these hidden lessons can be even more influential than the official curriculum in shaping students' perceptions and cultural awareness.
In Pakistan, a study by Mahmood et al. (2012) analysed ELT textbooks used in a major private school chain and found a complete absence of Pakistani cultural representation. Instead, these textbooks were filled with references to foreign cultures, leaving students disconnected from their own heritage. This marginalisation of the source culture is not merely an oversight - it is a form of linguistic imperialism that can have long-lasting effects on students' self-esteem and cultural identity.
The Broader Significance
Why should we be concerned about this hidden curriculum? Should we allow it to remain unchallenged? For textbook developers profiting from the global demand for ELT materials, it may be a dream scenario. But for educators, policymakers and society at large, it's a problem that demands attention. The values and norms embedded in these textbooks are shaping the next generation of leaders, thinkers and citizens. When students are taught to value foreign cultures over their own, it not only affects their sense of identity but also diminishes their ability to engage meaningfully with their own society.
Strategic Solutions
Addressing the hidden curriculum isn't solely the responsibility of textbook authors; it requires collective effort from educators, policymakers and curriculum designers. Here are a few strategies that could help:
Glocalisation: Textbooks should aim for a balance between global and local content - a concept known as glocalisation. By incorporating material that reflects both the target and source cultures, students can learn English without feeling disconnected from their own heritage.
Culturally Diverse Teaching Materials: When culturally inclusive textbooks are unavailable, educators and curriculum developers should supplement standard materials with content that reflects a variety of cultures. This approach can help counter the effects of the hidden curriculum.
Raising Awareness: It is crucial for educators to be aware of the hidden curriculum and its potential impact. By critically examining the materials they use, teachers can make informed decisions that support their students' cultural identities.
Preserving Identity in a Globalised World
As English solidifies its role as the global lingua franca, the subtle privileging of one culture over another in educational materials becomes more than an academic concern - it's a challenge to cultural identity. Recognising and addressing the hidden curriculum in our classrooms isn't just about fairness; it's about ensuring that every learner sees their culture reflected and respected in their education.
We have the power to shape not only how students learn a language but how they envision themselves in a globalised world. Let's commit to teaching English in a way that honours all cultures, fostering a generation that is not only fluent in a global language but also deeply connected to their own cultural heritage. Language is more than just a tool for communication - it is a mirror of who we are. Let's make sure every student sees themselves in that reflection.
Revitalizing Pakistan Railways
By: News desk | September 24, 2024
In a bold move to revamp the country’s rail network, Pakistan Railways has decided to pri-vatize its upcoming trains. This strategic decision is expected to inject new life into the de-partment, boosting revenue and restoring public confidence.
The success of the Sir Syed Ex-press, a privately managed train service, has paved the way for this innovative approach. Launched in 2020, the Sir Syed Express has set a high standard for rail travel in Pakistan. Its impeccable service, courteous staff and punctuality have won over passengers, making it a preferred mode of transportation. This public-private partnership has demonstrated that efficient management and a customer-centric approach can transform the rail travel experi-ence.
The decision to privatize upcoming trains is a welcome move, considering the challenges faced by Pakistan Railways. For years, the department has struggled with aging infrastruc-ture, inefficiencies and financial losses. Privatization offers a solution to these problems, bringing in private sector expertise and investment to modernize and streamline operations. This partnership is expected to increase revenue through improved services, attracting more passengers and boosting ticket sales.
The privatization of trains will also provide relief to passengers who have long suffered from inadequate bus and local transport services. Travelers have endured difficulties such as overcrowding, discomfort, frequent delays, cancellations, poor road conditions and a lack of amenities. In contrast, privatized trains promise spacious seating, clean environments, punc-tual departures and arrivals, onboard amenities and courteous staff.
The success of the Sir Syed Express serves as a shining example of what can be achieved through privatization. By embracing public-private partnerships, Pakistan Railways can lev-erage private sector expertise and investment to modernize infrastructure and services, en-hance passenger experience and confidence, increase revenue and reduce losses. As Paki-stan Railways embarks on this new journey, the country can look forward to a revitalized rail network providing comfortable, reliable and enjoyable travel experience. This bold decision has the potential to transform the transportation landscape, making rail travel the preferred choice for Pakistanis. With improved services and efficient management, Pakistan Railways is poised to regain its former glory and become a leading mode of transportation in the country.
Urgent action needed to retain hope
By: Sonia Omair | September 24, 2024
IN recent years, Pakistan has experienced a brain drain due to a challenging employment landscape and limited awareness of global labor market trends. The exit of skilled and educated youth in search of better prospects abroad is not just symptomatic of the nation’s economic malaise but also an ac-tive agent of further decline. The statistics are depressing. In 2023, more than 800,000 Pakistanis sought better employment opportunities outside the country, representing a staggering increase compared to previous years. By the middle of 2024, this figure had risen to over 500,000; thus, the phenomenon is continuing and escalating significantly. These statistics are clear indicators that it is not just a failing state but a failure being inflicted on youth who seek opportunities to thrive.
Another important issue is the ongoing trend of youth unemployment and skills mismatch. Accord-ing to the Pakistan Bureau of Statistics, the youth unemployment rate in Pakistan is a startling 12.7% in 2023. In a recent survey, Gallup Pakistan found that 63% of the youth had a negative perception of their future in Pakistan, where limited job prospects and an uncertain economic situation may persuade them to seek opportunities elsewhere. This perception is not unfounded; industries that could support substantial employment are closing, exacerbating the issue. The economic impact from the closure of these industries has been crippling. Major textile and manufacturing sectors have significantly contracted due to increasing challenges in doing business, rising costs, and energy shortages. This has resulted in a loss of thousands of jobs, forcing many, especially youth, into an exodus. The closure of these industries translates not only into job losses but also a loss of skills, in-novation, and potential. With the demise of such industries, workers who would have contributed to their expansion find themselves displaced in the labor market or resorting to alternative employ-ment elsewhere, mostly outside Pakistan.
The Road Ahead: A Bleak Future?
The continuous outflow of young, skilled professionals will weaken the country’s human capital, hampering innovation, productivity, and economic growth. This vicious cycle of unemployment and brain drain will worsen, leaving Pakistan with an aging workforce and a shrinking pool of talent to drive the economy. The government must act urgently, almost as if in wartime, to create employ-ment, align the supply and demand of the labor market with both national and global needs, and improve the business environment to prevent industrial shutdowns. If this issue is left unaddressed, it will exacerbate the brain drain and plunge Pakistan further into a crisis of human and social capi-tal, with economic stagnation as a peripheral consequence. The brain drain crisis is not only a symp-tom of Pakistan’s current economic challenges but also a ticking time bomb that, if ignored, will have far-reaching and long-lasting effects on the nation’s future.
Sustainable Urban development in Pakistan
By: Waqar Hassan | September 24, 2024
CITIES were established to provide residents with enhanced lives through the integration of safety and convenience in vibrant and secure environments. Industrial complexes are the backbone of their economies. City development strives to improve quality of life, maximize economic opportunities, minimize environmental impacts and maintain a safe living environment.
The key to achieving these goals lies in embracing sustainable development and implementing prac-tices that promote human flourishing while safeguarding the ecosystem. The consequences of not embracing sustainable city models are severe. The lack of sustainability in cities poses a danger to residents instead of providing safety, causing environmental degradation, worsening law and order, urban flooding, unequal opportunities, and inefficient transportation systems, all of which hurt the people living there.
While some cities globally have effectively implemented sustainable development plans, most urban areas, particularly in developing nations, have become chaotic for their residents. Residents of sus-tainable cities experience healthy living with locally sourced food and clean air. In sustainable cities, people have access to better housing and job opportunities.
Singapore has created self-sustaining cities that don’t rely on surrounding areas for food. In Singa-pore’s cities, people can access numerous opportunities to ensure their wellbeing and survival. Slums are almost non-existent and people have access to improved housing facilities.
Sustainable development is still out of reach for many cities in Pakistan. Sustainable development for cities includes withstanding extreme weather and efficiently managing the population. As the provincial capital, Lahore is one of Pakistan’s most developed cities. It functions as a central spot for political happenings and captivates tourists from across the globe. Unfortunately, the city’s devel-opment lacks a focus on sustainability and fails to meet the criteria of a sustainable city. The city’s food needs are largely met by importing from the neighboring regions. Not all city residents have the chance to improve their economic fortunes because of the existence of slums.
Navigating through Lahore during peak hours is challenging due to severe traffic congestion. The government’s extensive investment in road construction has resulted in negative consequences for residents in terms of ecology, environment and economy. To combat road congestion, the city is in dire need of a mass transit system. China resolved this problem by establishing a mass transit system in cities like Beijing, which greatly alleviated traffic congestion.
Furthermore, the people of Lahore are experiencing serious environmental dangers. The city’s air quality has been classified as unhealthy due to winter smog, posing major health risks. Lahore earned the unfortunate title of the most polluted city in the world in 2022, according to a survey by a Swiss air purifier company. Moreover, the city endures scorching summers and brutal winters, cre-ating an inhospitable living environment. The monsoon rainfall usually brings chaos, with flooded roads and infrastructure collapsing.
The city has become an unsustainable concrete jungle due to the administration’s failure to adopt sustainable developmental patterns.
The city of Karachi also poses a multitude of challenges for its residents. The city ranks among the most polluted in the country and its residents are plagued by crime. The residents of Karachi’s slums live without basic life amenities.
The insufficient green cover in Pakistani cities is negatively impacting the wellbeing of people living there. Successful city transformations have been achieved by countries through determination and strategic planning.
One example is Medellin, the second-largest city in Colombia, which responded to air pollution and rising heat by introducing the “green corridors” initiative in 2016. The city embraced sustainable practices to restore its ecosystem and decrease environmental damage, resulting in a significant drop in temperature and reduced air pollution levels. The decline of cities in Pakistan is evidenced by inadequate transportation infrastructure, environmental degradation, biodiversity loss, unplanned industrialization, slum growth, rising crime rates, and urban flooding.
A substantial threat looms over cities in Pakistan. The challenge lies in preventing urban flooding and minimizing environmental hazards for city residents. The cities need to revamp their development plan for sustainability. The implementation of a sustainable transportation infrastructure is essential in combating traffic congestion and environmental degradation in cities across the nation. Green corridors can be instrumental in managing temperature rise. It is crucial to adopt a resilient city model to withstand ecological shocks caused by climate change. Upgrading current infrastructure is vital to combat existing threats.
Local governments must operate efficiently and leaders must comprehend sustainable development to bring about these changes. In cities, people coexist and work together to enhance the commu-nity’s progress while also focusing on their advancement. Embracing complexity in urban institutions is crucial for maximizing the effectiveness and efficiency of city structures, to serve the people sustainably. Integrating departments is crucial for embracing complexity and ensuring a smoothly running city.
Pakistan is witnessing a growing trend of migration, resulting in cities accommodating a larger num-ber of residents. Thus, there is an urgent requirement to revamp the city model in the country. In this context, the implementation of sustainable development practices is crucial for cities in Pakistan to create a safe future. The idea of sustainability has been embraced by the modern world, and it’s now Pakistan’s turn to pursue sustainable development.
Within a few years, cities could transform into monsters that consume life if sustainable develop-ment is not prioritized. Ignoring this reality could result in Pakistani cities becoming uninhabitable, leading to suffering and disorder for the residents and preventing the realization of a healthy and prosperous life for the people of the country.
Power of Reading
By: Dr. Zia Ahmed | September 24, 2024
The recent announcement of the higher education department Punjab to establish reading corners in the libraries of the college is a highly laudable and much-needed act and is being widely appreciated because Reading, the famous philosopher Bacon claims that “makes a full man; conference a ready man; and writing an exact man”. The significance of reading any word is established by the fact that every word opens a new world for the reader to think or to ponder and even if one is not reading for a degree, one can enjoy reading books because Bacon again claims that “some books are to be tasted, others to be swallowed, and some few to be chewed and digested”.
This suggests the types of reading and those of readers, meaning thereby that the reading is not simply done to pass an exam but also to enjoy and to get knowledge of new things and places. On the same grounds, it is always beneficial to read a book for any purpose because reading has an edge to make one a positively engaged individual. Books are just a one way of reading activity which can be of many types.
Reading by human beings has made it possible for them to excel in almost every field of life. Perhaps that is the reason that almost every religion and creed of the world inspired the followers to read and observe the world around them keenly to understand and use it for their aims and purposes. All revealed religions, especially have books to be read by their followers and that is why reading has been emphasized as much as other actions. Perhaps that is the cause that humans have included reading in the four basic skills to learn a language and one of them is reading skill. The more one reads the more one gets an advantage over the others. But unfortunately, in the name of new digital technology, we have started to depend more on audio and videos instead of reading and writing and this is diminishing the human mental capabilities to read, understand and write. Now human minds are less capable of analyzing, synthesizing and recycling information because of over-dependence on calculating machines.
Making reading corners in the libraries is not sufficient. Reading hours may be fixed and each student must submit a review of the book twice a semester to pass his semester.
Today, young people supposedly undermine reading books because perhaps they don’t know, that all the successful humans of the world have strong reading habits and are continuing with this as vigorously as ever.
The prominent examples are Bill Gates and Steve Jobs. Similarly, all generals, great politicians, and great artists have the habit of being avid readers because they not only enjoy but also develop their minds to the level of perfection and deliver positive things to the world. All this goes to proves that reading is an activity to be continued by humanity, they must in no way hand over this job to computers or other machines.
The well-known language scientists claim that as soon as we read something, it makes space in our minds in the shape of alphabetical pictures which stay and match with the ever-new incoming pictures to make a mountain of human knowledge which is dependable and passable to the next coming generations.
The world is different now than the world 100 years ago only because people were reading and analyzing and synthesizing. Now we are gradually handing over this job to machines and so human capability to survive in the world around us is diminishing. Besides, the reading process brings tolerance and civilizing aspects in our lives which we lose and make a hating world around us because of the absence of reading.
This brings us to the point that we need to bring back the essentials of humanity to human beings by making reading essential and fruitful at least for our young people so that they may continue with the reading habits in their future years to come. For this reading should begin with the early years like the developed civilization, which makes it necessary for their young ones to read and review at least one book in one term. The same patterns should be followed in the college life of adult students. Making reading corners in the libraries is not sufficient. Reading hours may be fixed and each student must submit a review of the book twice a semester to pass his semester.
The reviews developed by the students must be properly evaluated to ensure no copycats. This can be a fruitful way of taking back humanity to what it is made for and to develop their IQ and the powers of mind to harness the world around them in a more practical and precise way without losing the equilibrium set by nature. At the end of the day, one can claim that reading makes us better humans if we can continue with this.
Pakistan-BD proximity and scepticism in India
By: Dr Moonis Ahmar | September 24, 2024
It all started with reports about Bangladesh purchasing military ammunition from Pakistan; the celebration of the death anniversary of Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah at Dhaka Press Club; and a proposal forwarded by a Bangladeshi professor for signing a nuclear treaty with Islamabad. Other developments like efforts for resumption of direct flights; easing of visa restrictions; launch of normal trade; revival of the joint economic forum (JEC); and revitalising cultural and educational ties have led the Indian media to discuss this closeness and an ultimate potential unity of the two countries. Several conspiracy theories being pedaled by the Indian media about the new-found warmth between Pakistan and Bangladesh reflect a particular mindset in Delhi which rather wants an eternal hostility between the two Muslim countries.
The manner in which a large segment of the Indian media is exaggerating the recent thaw in Pak-BD relations reflects how insecure and suspicious New Delhi is of any move which tends to normalise ties between Dhaka and Islamabad. Still unable to reconcile with the fact that India has lost a strategic and trusted ally in Sheikh Hasina and there runs a large-scale anti-India sentiment in Bangladesh, policymakers in New Delhi will try and thwart any and every opportunity for creating closeness between Islamabad and Dhaka. Despite Sheikh Hasina having become a liability for New Delhi due to the countless cases of murder, extra-judicial killing and corruption against her, the Modi regime has gone an extra mile by defending her covert efforts to destabilise the Yunus regime. Delhi will not even entertain any official request from Dhaka to extradite Hasina.
It is not for the first time that India is apprehensive, suspicious and insecure when Pakistan and Bangladesh come closer. Even during the last days of Bangladesh President Sheikh Mujibur Rehman, Indira Gandhi viewed with suspicion his attending the second Islamic summit in Lahore in February 1974. For instance, JN Dixit, India's first envoy to Dhaka after the emergence of Bangladesh in his book, Liberation and Beyond Indo-Bangladesh Relations, published in 1999, writes: "The contradictions in Bangladesh politics and the erosion of the commitment to Bangladesh free from its Pakistani umbilical connections which were only fostering undercurrents came out into the open during the Bhutto visit. Bhutto arrived in Dhaka in July 1974. I drove to the airport through dense crowds lining both sides of the streets all the way from the Tejgaon airport to Bangla Bhavan resounding with slogans like "Bangladesh-Pakistan Maitri (friendship) Zindabad and Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto Zindabad. I was told that people threw garlands of shoes at Sheikh Mujibur Rehman's car and abusive slogans were shouted against the Indian High Commission and the Government of India. I have to confess that I had tears of anger in my eyes when I returned to my office."
Dixit's narration of his observations during his posting in Dhaka reflected how anti-Indian and pro-Pakistan sentiments augmented following Bhutto's visit to Dhaka. During BNP's rule also, India was apprehensive of Bangladesh's growing rapport with Pakistan but was confident that during the Awami League regime of Sheikh Hasina, Islamabad will never get any space in Bangladesh. All calculations and hopes of New Delhi dashed when despite its enormous investment in support of Sheikh Hasina, her government collapsed. The Modi regime got the shock of its life, but never lost hope. Indian media is leaving no opportunity to embarrass the caretaker government of Dr Muhammad Yunus ,like by exaggerating the so-called attacks on the Hindu community and other acts proving Dhaka's tilt towards Pakistan.
India's age-old strategy to wedge hostility between Pakistan and Bangladesh and its present efforts to depict the Yunus-led caretaker government as pro-Pakistan, anti-India and pro-Islam need to be examined from three angles.
First, India's overreaction to the reports of supply of Pakistani ammunition to Bangladesh; the holding of a programme on the occasion of Quaid-e-Azam's death anniversary in Dhaka and the proposal to sign a nuclear treaty with Bangladesh is misplaced. Why India gets panicky when there are reports of warmth in the Pakistan-Bangladesh relations is not difficult to gauge because it would mean the burial of the narrative woven around the tragic events of 1971 which always blocks any effort for normalisation of ties between Dhaka and Islamabad. Also, there is a segment of Bangladeshi society, patronised by Awami League, which is bitterly against any fence-mending with Pakistan. The bogey of the "vulnerable" Hindu community of Bangladesh is another weapon which is used by Awami League and India, notwithstanding how the Muslims other religious minorities in India are attacked and lynched by Hindu mobs. Bangladesh has been very tolerant towards its Hindu minority but the manner in which that community is exaggerating attacks on them means it has close connections with India and is not loyal to Bangladesh.
Second, it is yet to be seen how India will react to the resumption of direct flight between Pakistan and Bangladesh because it will never allow such an interaction between the two sides. Earlier, because of Hasina's hostile policies, Bangladesh suspended its direct travel connection with Pakistan. The resumption of direct flights through the Indian airspace will be dependent on approval from New Delhi. Technically, India cannot prevent the use of its aerospace, but we have seen how in January 1971 India banned its airspace for Pakistan after the so-called hijacking of a Ganga plane, thus widening the travel time between the two wings of Pakistan from three to six hours via Colombo.
And the suggestion by a university professor to sign a nuclear treaty with Pakistan in order to provide a security umbrella to Bangladesh may be a fallacy because the two countries will not approve anything that may have domestic, regional or international ramifications. However, celebrating the Quaid-e-Azam's death anniversary in Dhaka is a meaningful event. This writer, as the Chief Adviser of Bangladesh-Pakistan Forum during his stay in Dhaka University as Asia Fellow in 2002, had organised two events in that University on 'Bangladesh-Pakistan relations' in which the then High Commissioner of Pakistan in Dhaka Ambassador, Mr Iqbal Ahmed Khan, was the Chief Guest. In fact, it was the first visit of any Pakistani Higher Commissioner to Dhaka University after December 1971.
Finally, New Delhi's perceived efforts to block efforts for fence-mending between Pakistan and Bangladesh relations can be effectively met if the leadership of the two countries is focused on moving forward and establishing bilateral ties based on a win-win equation for both.
TAPI progression and prospect of Pakistan-Iran gas pipeline
By: Ishtiaq Ali Mehkri | September 24, 2024
Central Asia and South Asia are home to a cobweb of energy pipelines, but many are a victim of realpolitik. Bilateral disputes and meddling of extra-territorial forces are a constant that have ruptured geo-economics, leaving behind the resource-rich countries in a dilemma of their own. The energy-starved region, however, is contemplating to overcome constraints and a number of trans-regional megaprojects are on the anvil. They include CASA-1000, TAPI and Iran-Pakistan Gas Pipeline (formerly Iran-Pakistan-India), apart from several rail and road network schemes and bilateral ventures of gas transmission such as the $2.5 billion Pakistan Steam Gas Pipeline project involving Russia and Pakistan.
Geo-economics, nonetheless, got a shot in the arm as the 1,814 km TAPI gas pipeline project graduated into its next orbit. It connects Turkmenistan, through Afghanistan, to Pakistan and India. The completion of the pipeline-laying inside Turkmenistan, and its aperture now ready for transit through restive Afghanistan, is a good omen. The $10 billion multinational trans-regional initiative had seen ups and downs since 2015, and been hostage to lawlessness in Afghanistan for almost a decade. TAPI is a bonanza for the energy-starved region, and the good point is that it reconnects Pakistan and India in a consortium of economics after being made to bite the dust in a similar trilateral Iran-Pakistan-India (IPI) gas pipeline arrangement.
The euphoria among Afghans was worth mentioning as the Taliban 2.0 went on to declare a public holiday as Herat celebrated commissioning of the project on its soil. It is a win-win deal for Kabul as apart from receiving 16 per cent gas originating from Galkynysh gas field in Turkmenistan, it will also collect a staggering $500 million per annum as transit fee. The fact that the strife-torn state kept its cool and succeeded in convincing the stakeholders to go ahead with the pipeline despite upheavals across its territory is commendable, and has lessons for Pakistan that could not stand pressure from the US owing to a regime of sanctions on Tehran.
The gas pipeline traversing Central Asia to South Asia is the first of its kind post-Cold War regional amalgamation. It also underscores how strongly economic temptations override politics, and the regime in Afghanistan without de jure recognition is part and parcel of a legal instrument.
The pipeline will see around 33 billion cubic metres of natural gas each year extracted from gas fields in southeast Turkmenistan, and will be pumped through Herat and Kandahar before crossing into the Balochistan province in Pakistan and ending in Fazilka in Indian Punjab. Pakistan and India will each purchase 42 per cent of the gas deliveries. It is surprising that no eyebrows were raised in the western states, irrespective of the fact that Central Asia is pro-Russia and Afghanistan is in a quagmire of instability.
Thus, there is an opportunity for Pakistan as TAPI comes full circle. With Islamabad under compulsion to buy expensive LNG to overcome its domestic and industrial demands, all it needs is to put its foot down and go ahead with the Iran-Pakistan pipeline. It is regrettable that the trilateral $7.5 billion IPI pipeline withered in thin air as Delhi walked away from it, and Pakistan is yet to complete an 80 km pipeline from Gwadar to the Iranian border. Tehran on its part has invested more than $2 billion and has brought the energy pipeline at the mouth of Pakistan, only to rust it beneath the dirt.
The incapacity of Pakistan to take a call on the gas pipeline with Iran has led to straining of relations with the Islamic Republic. Tehran is now under an international obligation to slap a penalty of more than $18 billion for dishonouring the deal, and this fixation has also led to renewed tensions with Washington, whom Islamabad had failed to convince for a waiver. With the pendulum swinging astray, Pakistan's genuine energy needs are jeopardised and the vibrancy of connecting the respective states in geo-economics - especially Iran and Pakistan & Pakistan and India - has come to a naught. Pakistan must opt for tactful diplomacy and a principled sovereign stance to overcome this dilemma.
Election in an occupied land
By: Ershad Mahmud | September 17, 2024
After ten years, all is set for a three-phased election in the heavily militarized Indian-occupied Jammu and Kashmir. Electioneering is in full swing, and the results will be declared on October 4.
The electoral process in Occupied Kashmir has always been marred by controversy, manipulation, and a lack of transparency. Additionally, since 1990, pro-Azadi political parties and militant groups have strongly opposed and boycotted several election rounds, which significantly affected the election process and existing political institutions.
However, unlike past practices, no significant anti-election sentiment has been reported so far in this election. Several members of the Jamaat-e-Islami and former activists of pro-Azadi parties, who once led election boycott campaigns and denounced the electoral process as illegitimate, are now contesting the polls, which has greatly increased public interest in the election.
Nearly nine million people are registered to vote in the upcoming elections for the 90-member legislative assembly, starting tomorrow on September 18. In April and May this year, Kashmiris turned out in large numbers at polling stations, casting their votes in an overwhelming manner that stunned everyone. Many Kashmiris voted to ensure that the BJP’s proxy candidates did not gain access to the national parliament.
The Muslims of Kashmir and other secular elements have been deeply concerned about stopping the BJP’s relentless push to seize political power in Kashmir through elections. In this context, the National Conference and Congress have joined forces, fielding joint candidates, which has significantly boosted their chances of electoral success compared to other parties. Together, the National Conference and Congress can make notable electoral gains in the Jammu region, traditionally considered a stronghold of the BJP.
The BJP is also facing anti-incumbency sentiment in Jammu. The lukewarm response to BJP candidates in the Lok Sabha elections forced the party to contest only 19 of the 47 assembly seats in the Kashmir Valley.
Kashmiri priorities have shifted dramatically since the revocation of Article 370 in August 2019. The people of the Kashmir Valley feel humiliated and threatened by the BJP's nationalist and Hindutva agenda, which it is determined to impose on Occupied Kashmir by any means necessary.
Rather than boycotting the election process, there is now a broad consensus in Occupied Kashmir that people should participate in the political process to prevent the BJP from gaining any foothold. Despite being fully aware that the resulting assembly will be weak, with limited legislative, administrative, and financial powers, many feel blocking the BJP is essential. In fact, the Lieutenant Governor appointed by Delhi will retain more administrative and financial authority than the Chief Minister who will be elected in the upcoming elections.
The BJP has placed its affiliated individuals in key positions across various institutions, with the primary aim of erasing Kashmiri identity, its Islamic character, and cultural heritage, in an attempt to ‘Hinduize’ the region. Kashmiris are determined to counter this by engaging in the political process and asserting control over political institutions, no matter how limited their power may be.
The election process has sparked renewed activity in Kashmir, and the restrictions imposed by India – such as those on freedom of assembly, expression, and public mobilization – have been eased due to the election campaign. People are now participating in rallies, marches, and public gatherings, which is helping to restore confidence among Kashmiris. This may pave the way for them to once again express their aspirations through peaceful means.
In recent years, especially after August 2019, the BJP has sought to suppress all political activity by pro-freedom individuals in Occupied Kashmir. Anyone who advocates for freedom, even if it’s just through social media, faces imprisonment.
Human rights defenders like Khurram Parvez, who gained international recognition for his work, and many journalists are languishing in Indian prisons simply because they disagree with the Indian government’s stance or report human rights violations. In this context, the current elections in Kashmir offer a rare opportunity to break through the atmosphere of repression imposed by India to some extent.
Apart from the BJP, all political parties participating in these elections are constantly reminding people of their promise to restore the statehood of Jammu and Kashmir, which was downgraded to a union territory in 2019. While no party is explicitly discussing the restoration of Article 370 during the campaign, some parties, particularly the People's Democratic Party (PDP) and Engineer Rashid, a member of parliament, issued statements about resolving the Kashmir issue and restoring autonomy.
As a result, unlike in the past, this election campaign is less focused on national issues. Instead, discussions are centered on governance problems, the growing rift between Kashmir and India, and the mistreatment of Kashmiris by the BJP government.
In this election, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi is also campaigning, claiming that he has transformed Kashmir into a land of "milk and honey”, restored peace and order, and created a "new Kashmir". However, the reality on the ground tells a different story. Fear still grips the region, militancy persists, and hundreds of pro-freedom political leaders and activists, including Yasin Malik and Shabbir Ahmed Shah, are languishing in Indian jails without trial.
Kashmiri media has been stifled, and human rights organizations are not allowed to function. The Bar Association and other trade groups have been silenced by the state. No dissenting voices are permitted. Real development remains absent in Occupied Kashmir; instead, Modi's government has turned the region into a graveyard for the living.
Undermining CPEC- Indian Goal
By: Sanaullah Karim| September 17, 2024
August, the Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) killed 70 people, including civilians from Punjab and Pakistan Army officials, while they were travelling in Baluchistan. With the provincial government and sporadic military and police actions failing to crush the insurgency, Pakistan launched a specific counterterrorism operation, Azm-e-Istehkam, targeting the BLA and Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP).
Pakistan is particularly impacted by the collaboration between the Indian and Afghan governments, which provide ammunition, financial support, military training, and shelter to insurgents. India, emboldened by U.S. opposition to the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), views the project as a means for China to expand its influence in Asia. The goal is to encourage the BLA and TTP to escalate terrorist activities, discouraging potential investors and preventing economic growth in Pakistan.
This strategy is evident from a review of social media and public protests by various Baloch groups. Numerous videos have surfaced in which the BLA and TTP threaten China and Pakistan with severe consequences if the Chinese government does not withdraw from CPEC. By fostering instability in the tribal areas, they aim to frighten Chinese investors and depict the federal government as exploiting provincial resources at the expense of the local population. Notably, TTP and BLA suicide attacks have been reported for the first time in Pashtun areas of Baluchistan. This campaign has had a significant impact on the internal political landscape of the province.
India has spread misinformation, claiming that due to security concerns for its workers on CPEC projects, China is reluctant to complete the second phase and has advised its nationals to slow down participation. To deter potential third-country investors, Indian vloggers based in the Middle East continue to propagate falsehoods. The second phase, crucial for industrialisation in CPEC Special Economic Zones (SEZs), is of particular concern to the government.
Pakistan finds itself in a difficult position. Despite repeated appeals, the Taliban government has done nothing to rein in the BLA and TTP terrorists operating from Afghan territory. They have also refused to repatriate TTP activists involved in terrorist attacks on Chinese nationals. Pakistan presented a dossier with documentary evidence, including the names of TTP terrorists responsible for killing Chinese engineers in the Besham attack. Pakistan also raised the issue with the Taliban during recent UN talks in Doha, where press reports indicated an exchange of heated words between representatives.
In June, Balochistan’s Home Minister, Ziaullah Langau, exposed India as the “single investor” in the TTP-BLA nexus. TTP’s Nasrullah, alias Maulvi Mansoor, captured in January 2024, confessed that India’s intelligence agency RAW aimed to form a nexus between the BLA and TTP, with TTP bases established in Khuzdar. RAW’s objectives in Balochistan are threefold: to sabotage CPEC projects, including targeting Chinese citizens; to carry out kidnappings for ransom to highlight enforced disappearances and discredit Pakistan’s intelligence agencies; and to spread anarchy by fuelling terrorist activities.
Previously, Pakistan’s Ambassador to the UN, Munir Akram, urged the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) to take decisive action against terrorism originating from Afghanistan, which allows terrorists to operate with impunity. In the last TTP attack in Bannu, eight Pakistani soldiers were martyred. The Defence Minister’s threat of retaliatory action did not yield results; instead, TTP and other Afghanistan-based splinter groups joined the BLA to further destabilise the region.
Insurgency in Baluchistan is not new, but the involvement of more countries and groups with the BLA and TTP, along with the extensive use of social media to gain visibility, is. The province’s economic vulnerabilities are being exploited through cyber-attacks, economic espionage, and propaganda. Disinformation and manipulation are used to exacerbate existing challenges. Ethnic divisions, exploited by these elements, hinder the government’s ability to maintain law and order, eroding public trust and further complicating the situation.
Pakistan is grappling with an insurgency, compounded by a proxy war with India and a Taliban-controlled Afghanistan. The security forces’ heavy-handed response often leads to allegations of human rights violations, including extrajudicial killings, torture, and arbitrary detentions. Such actions fuel resentment among the Baloch population, providing further material for separatist propaganda.
India-sponsored and Afghan-based insurgents have exploited ethnic and economic disparities, with CPEC projects becoming key targets of hybrid warfare. India’s strategy includes supporting separatist groups, spreading disinformation, economic exploitation, cyber-attacks, false-flag operations, and legal manipulation. India’s portrayal of the Baloch people as oppressed and marginalised is amplified in media outlets to garner international sympathy for their cause. A former CIA director alleged that India pays the Taliban government to recruit TTP sympathisers and provides military and diplomatic support to the BLA.
Among CPEC projects, the Gwadar port is a prime target due to its vital geostrategic location for China’s supply chains. This has attracted foreign meddling, particularly from India, the U.S., Iran, and some Western countries, which portray the port as a Chinese military base threatening their interests. Pakistan faces growing difficulty in managing these complex threats. China is deeply concerned about the security of its nationals working on CPEC projects and has reached out to the Taliban on the issue, but to no avail. India is unlikely to cease its interference in Baluchistan, even if dialogue between Pakistan and India resumes, leaving little hope for respite.
Optimistic horizons: How the current government is shaping a positive economic future for Pakistan’
By: Asad Ali | September 17, 2024
One of the most significant contributions of the current government is its commitment to structural reforms aimed at improving governance and transparency. The administration has prioritized efforts to streamline bureaucratic processes and enhance the efficiency of public institutions. For instance, there have been notable improvements in digital governance, including the implementation of e-governance platforms that reduce corruption and make public services more accessible. These reforms are expected to create a more conducive environment for business, reduce the cost of doing business, and attract both domestic and foreign investment.
Economic diversification is a cornerstone of the current government’s strategy. Traditionally reliant on sectors like agriculture and textiles, Pakistan is now making concerted efforts to develop other sectors, such as information technology (IT), renewable energy, and tourism. The government’s focus on the IT sector is particularly promising, as Pakistan has a burgeoning tech ecosystem with a growing number of startups and tech entrepreneurs. Initiatives to support this sector, such as tax incentives for tech companies and investments in IT infrastructure, are helping position Pakistan as a future tech hub.
Renewable energy is another area of significant investment. The government’s commitment to transitioning towards clean energy sources, such as wind and solar power, is not only addressing the country’s energy needs but also aligning with global sustainability trends. This shift not only helps in meeting domestic energy demands but also opens up opportunities for international partnerships and investments in the green energy sector.
Infrastructure development is a key focus of the current administration, with several major projects underway that are poised to have long-term economic benefits. The development of the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is a prime example. This multi-billion-dollar initiative aims to enhance connectivity between Pakistan and China, providing a critical trade route that will facilitate regional trade and investment. The infrastructure projects associated with CPEC, including roads, ports, and energy projects, are expected to boost economic activity, create jobs, and enhance Pakistan’s regional trade capabilities.
Additionally, the government’s emphasis on improving urban infrastructure, such as transport networks and public facilities, is essential for supporting economic growth. Investments in public transport, such as metro systems and bus rapid transit (BRT) projects, are improving urban mobility, reducing traffic congestion, and enhancing the quality of life for residents. These developments are not only making cities more attractive for investors but also fostering a more vibrant economy.
Maintaining macro-economic stability is crucial for fostering economic growth, and the current government has made strides in this area. Efforts to manage inflation, stabilize the currency, and control fiscal deficits have been at the forefront of economic policy. The government has also been working on enhancing revenue generation through improved tax collection mechanisms, which is vital for reducing the reliance on external borrowing and ensuring fiscal sustainability.
In addition, the government has implemented measures to address external debt concerns and build foreign exchange reserves. This has contributed to greater confidence among investors and international financial institutions. The improved economic indicators, such as increased foreign direct investment (FDI) and a more stable exchange rate, reflect the positive impact of these policies.
Investing in human capital is another area where the current government is making a positive impact. Education and skills development programs are being prioritized to equip the workforce with the necessary skills for a modern economy. The emphasis on vocational training and higher education is helping to address the skills gap and prepare a new generation of professionals who can contribute to various sectors of the economy.
Furthermore, the government’s focus on healthcare and social welfare programs is enhancing the overall quality of life and productivity of the population. By improving access to healthcare services and social support systems, the government is laying the groundwork for a healthier and more productive workforce.
Strengthening regional and international relations is also a key aspect of the current government’s economic strategy. By fostering closer ties with neighboring countries and participating in regional trade agreements, Pakistan is expanding its trade opportunities and integrating more effectively into the global economy. Diplomatic efforts to resolve regional conflicts and promote stability contribute to a more favorable environment for economic growth.
In conclusion, while challenges remain, the current government’s strategic focus on structural reforms, economic diversification, infrastructure development, macro-economic stability, human capital development, and international relations is laying a solid foundation for a positive economic trajectory. The proactive measures and policies implemented are creating an environment that fosters growth, attracts investment, and enhances overall economic stability. As Pakistan continues to implement these strategies, there is a growing sense of optimism about the country’s economic future, with the potential for sustained growth and development on the horizon.
Muhammad (PBUH): Guide, saviour of all humanity
By: Syed Qamar Afzal Rizvi | September 17, 2024
THE 12th day of Rabi-ul-Awal, traditionally known as Eid Milad-un-Nabi—embodies great significance in Islam as it marks the birth anniversary of the holy Prophet Muhammad (PBUH)—a day of blessedness and beatitude, which is celebrated with great reverence and fervour by Muslims all over the world, allowing them to profoundly and fervently learn from the teachings of the holy Prophet (PBUH).Since the very creation of mankind, God has sent numerous messengers to guide the humanity. But the prophetic personification that rests and belongs to the Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) has no match with anyone in the line of Prophethood. Muhammad (PBUH) became a true representative of Islam both in theory and practice. In theory, the teachings of holy Quran and in practice, his conduct of life. His greatness is also acknowledged by the non-Muslim scholars and historians.
Muhammad (PBUH) is often referred to as “the light of humanity” because of his role in guiding people to righteousness and restoring dignity to mankind through the message of Islam. His mission aimed to liberate humanity and promote a sense of moral integrity and spiritual enlightenment. Muhammad (PBUH) unified an amputated Arabia — steeped into ignorance, adultery and tribal feuds —into a single religious polity under Islam. Prophet’s life is traditionally defined into two periods: pre-Hijrah (emigration) in Mecca (from 570 to 622 CE) and post-Hijrah in Medina (from 622 until 632 CE).
The Holy Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) is renowned for his exceptional character and personality. He was the embodiment of human virtues. He is known for his uncompromising honesty, earning the title al-Amin (the Trustworthy) due to his integrity. His actions displayed the highest morals and manners, making him an epitome of good conduct. Furthermore, he embodied humbleness and humility, always being ready to help others and showing openness and candidness in his interactions. The Prophet (PBUH) said, “I was only sent to perfect good character.”
Thomas Carlyle spoke higher about Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) in his work “Heroes and Hero Worship.” He praised Muhammad as a significant leader and reformer who had a profound impact on humanity. Carlyle viewed Muhammad’s life and mission as exemplary in shaping morals and social values. In his lecture in London in 1820, entitled “The Hero as Prophet”, Carlyle outlined Muhammad PBUH as a Hegelian agent of reform, insisting on his sincerity and commenting “how one man single-handedly, could weld warring tribes and wandering Bedouins into a most powerful and civilized nation in less than two decades”. As a saviour of human rights: Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) is rightly considered a “saviour of human rights” due to his teachings that significantly improved the lives of people by advocating for equality, justice, compassion, and protection for the vulnerable, effectively challenging the societal norms of his time and laying the foundation for a more humane society across various aspects like women’s rights, slavery, and religious freedom; essentially creating a universal brotherhood where all humans are valued equally. Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) emphasized the importance of human rights and the protection of individuals’ lives and property. His teachings and actions laid the foundation for a society that prioritized humanitarian values, creating one that was significantly freer from cruelty and oppression compared to previous societies. He is often regarded as a humanitarian figure who championed the rights and dignity of all individuals.
Notably, Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) actively worked to abolish practices like female infanticide, tribal warfare, and slavery, thereby significantly improving the lives of marginalized groups. In addition, he drove special attention on the promotion of justice and fairness as his teachings strongly emphasized the importance of treating everyone justly, regardless of their social status, ethnicity, or religion. To him, no Arab is superior to a non-Arab, and vice versa. Moreover, elevating the status of Women’s Rights was one of his paramount objectives. Islam under Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) granted women significant rights compared to the prevailing societal norms, including inheritance rights and the right to education. The Prophet’s teachings encouraged tolerance and respect for people of different faiths, safeguarding the rights of religious minorities. He also protected animals and plants’ rights.
Foundation of the State of Medina: Medina, the first welfare state—established by the Prophet Muhammad (SAW) in 622 AD, — is often referred to as a unique form of governance that blended a model of theo-cum-democratic state with welfare principles. It was characterized by a social contract among various groups, including Muslims, Jews, and others, fostering a sense of community. The governance was primarily based on Islamic principles based on humanitarian, fraternity, global brotherhood, and peaceful co-existence. Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) used skilful methods in negotiating and establishing treaties during his leadership of the early Muslim community in Arabia. He employed these abilities to build alliances, (Treaty of Hudiabiyah and the Charter of Medina) to manage relations with various tribes, demonstrating an ability to navigate complex political landscapes effectively.
Seal of Prophethood: The concept of the finality of Prophethood is the bedrock of Islamic teachings—the ironclad faith of the Muslims embracing Muhammad (PBUH as the last prophet sent by God to mankind, to restore the unaltered original monotheistic faith of Adam, Noah, Abraham, Moses, Jesus, and other prophets. In the words of British Orientalist Stanley Lane Poole: “He was the most faithful protector of those he protected, the sweetest and most agreeable in conversation. Those who saw him were suddenly filled with reverence; those who came near him loved him; they who described him would say, “I have never seen his like either before or after.” Yet sadly, in recent decades, some misguided western elements have committed condemning acts against the Prophetic reverence of Muhammad (PBUH).
By no mistake, Islam is the most modern divine religion as compared to Judaism and Christianity. Clearly, the message of the last Prophet Muhammad (PBUH) lasts for all ages to come. The western drive of Islamophobia owes its genesis to the political instrumentalization of Islam indoctrinated by Samuel Huntington and Bernard Lewis. On this eve of the birthday anniversary of the Prophet of Islam, we the Muslims must learn from the teaching and precepts of the holy prophet (PBUH), we must act accordingly to uplift the image of Islam.
Deteriovating state of education: A crisis ignored Gulab Umid
By: Gulab Umid | September 14, 2024
The educational landscape in Pakistan paints a bleak picture of neglect, incompetence and systemic decay. Education, a cornerstone for any progressive society, has been relegated to a secondary concern by those in power, leaving millions of children devoid of basic learning opportunities. The depth of this crisis threatens to destabilise the nation's future, creating a generation unprepared to tackle modern challenges.
A major contributor to this downfall is the government's disregard for education. While many countries prioritise educational investment for long-term development, Pakistan allocates barely 1.7% of its GDP to the sector. This paltry funding leads to crumbling infrastructure, outdated learning materials, and a shortage of qualified educators. The government's failure to elevate education to its rightful priority has caused irreparable damage to the country's social fabric.
Adding to this deplorable situation is rampant corruption and mismanagement. Educational institutions have become political battlegrounds, where appointments hinge not on merit but on personal or political connections. This disregard for professionalism has compromised the quality of teaching. Instead of nurturing young minds, many teachers focus on maintaining political allegiances to secure their positions. This has contributed to the rapid decline of academic standards across the country.
Moreover, teachers in Pakistan are often pulled away from their core duties to serve in various non-educational government campaigns, ranging from voter registration to polio vaccinations. These interruptions disrupt the school year and further diminish the quality of education. The long-term impact is that students are left without the guidance and instruction they need to succeed, perpetuating cycles of ignorance and poverty.
Moreover , the absence of a standardised curriculum across Pakistan further worsens the problem. Educational inequality is deeply entrenched, with public, private and religious schools offering vastly different levels of instruction. This disparity results in an uneven playing field, where only a privileged few receive quality education, while millions are condemned to subpar schooling. The consequences are dire, fostering social division and perpetuating inequality.
Statistics paint a harrowing picture. According to a recent report from the Pakistan Institute of Education, out of 71 million children aged between 5 and 16, a staggering 36 million are out of school. Almost half of the country's children have been abandoned by a system that was supposed to safeguard their futures. Even more alarming is that 53% of these out-of-school children are girls, highlighting the gender disparity that continues to plague Pakistan's educational framework.
The situation is particularly grave in rural and underserved areas. In certain districts of Balochistan, up to 92% of children are out of school, while some areas in Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa report figures as high as 91%. In Punjab alone, 11.73 million children are out of school, with Sindh, Khyber-Pakhtunkhwa and Balochistan adding millions more to this figure.
Despite a marginal improvement since 2016 - when 44% of children were out of school - the current numbers remain a national disgrace. Pakistan's educational infrastructure, with just over 313,000 schools, is woefully inadequate to accommodate the growing population. The student-teacher ratio stands at 1:39, far below global standards.
The consequences of this educational collapse are far-reaching. Pakistan's economic woes, social inequalities and political instability are all linked to an undereducated population. Without drastic reforms, the nation's youth will continue to be ill-equipped to navigate the complexities of the 21st century, perpetuating poverty, unrest and underdevelopment.
Pakistan's future hangs in the balance. Immediate reforms beginning with a commitment to prioritize education are crucial to reversing this decline. Increased funding, eradication of corruption, hiring of qualified teachers, and equitable access to education are essential.
Pakistan’s Path to Economic Prosperity
By: Umme Haniya | September 14, 2024
In a time when political challenges seem to dominate the headlines, there is some refreshing good news on the economic front for Pakistan. Despite the hurdles and obstacles, recent developments have painted a promising picture for the economic outlook of the country.
One of the major breakthroughs for Pakistan’s economy is the successful resolution of issues with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). News from Pakistan’s bailout programme being included on the agenda for September 25 is expected to pave the way for unlocking a substantial $7 billion loan, providing much-needed financial support to the country. The IMF loan will not only bolster Pakistan’s foreign exchange reserves but also boost investor confidence in the economy.
The State Bank of Pakistan (SBP) has also taken a bold step by slashing the interest rate, which is expected to stimulate economic activities in the country. Lower interest rates make borrowing cheaper, incentivizing businesses to invest and expand. This move is crucial in reviving the economy and spurring growth across various sectors.
Another positive indicator is the relative stability of the dollar exchange rate in Pakistan. A consistent and steady exchange rate is essential for trade and investment, providing certainty to businesses and investors. Additionally, the decline in fuel prices is a welcome relief for consumers and industries, reducing production costs and inflationary pressures.
Lower interest rates make borrowing cheaper, incentivizing businesses to invest and expand.
Pakistan has also witnessed a steady inflow of remittances from overseas Pakistanis, contributing significantly to the country’s foreign exchange reserves. The influx of remittances not only supports the economy but also strengthens the financial resilience of households. Moreover, the effective management of Cash Available for Distribution (CAD) reflects prudent fiscal policies and responsible governance.
In a win for consumers, electricity bills are expected to come down in the near future. The reduction in electricity tariffs will alleviate the burden on households and businesses, improving affordability and boosting domestic consumption. Lower energy costs can also enhance the competitiveness of industries, leading to increased productivity and job creation.
All this is happening organically without support from the ruling elite, which seems satisfied by the ongoing power struggles. Their daily fights over who stands as the real representative of the masses do not give them any time to contemplate what they are doing to the masses.
As Pakistan’s economy shows signs of improvement, there is a sense of optimism and hope for the future. The unlocking of the IMF loan, the reduction in interest rates, stable exchange rates, decreasing fuel prices, sufficient remittances, controlled CAD, and an anticipated drop in electricity bills bode well for the economic prospects of the country. While challenges remain, these positive economic indicators indicate a path towards sustainable growth and prosperity for Pakistan. The key lies in leveraging these advancements and maintaining a conducive environment for continued economic development.
Pakistan’s Loss is Africa’s Gain
By: Dr Hasnain Javed | September 14, 2024
China’s economic engagement with Africa has been a cornerstone of its foreign policy in recent decades. Through significant investments, infrastructure projects, and diplomatic initiatives, China has emerged as a dominant player in the continent’s economic landscape. The China-Africa Forum (CAF), established in 2000, has served as a crucial platform for fostering bilateral cooperation and strengthening economic ties.
Since the establishment of the CAF, China’s investment in Africa has surged dramatically. According to the Ministry of Commerce, Chinese investment in Africa reached an unprecedented $49.2 billion in 2022, marking a significant increase from previous years. This investment has been channelled into a wide range of sectors, including infrastructure, manufacturing, agriculture, and mining.
One of the most visible aspects of China’s economic engagement in Africa is its investment in infrastructure projects. Mombasa-Nairobi Standard Gauge Railway in Kenya is estimated to be $4.7 billion and is part of a larger project to connect East African countries. While the Addis Ababa-Djibouti Railway in Ethiopia costing around $3.4 billion is a key link between Ethiopia and the Red Sea. Simultaneously China has built numerous hydropower plants across Africa, including the Grand Inga Dam in the Democratic Republic of Congo, estimated to be one of the largest in the world. All of this is in addition to the numerous roads and bridges that continue to improve connectivity within African countries and between regions.
China would have honoured its commitment to CPEC but Pakistan’s poor response to Chinese investment and economic interest makes for a compelling argument in the lender’s eyes to pull its strings.
China has investments focused heavily on copper and cobalt mines in countries like Zambia and the Democratic Republic of Congo, driven by the demand for these minerals in electric vehicle batteries. On the other hand, Chinese businessmen continue to invest in iron ore mines in countries like Mauritania and Liberia, supporting its steel industry. Special Economic Zones and numerous agricultural projects have also witnessed a sharp rise in Chinese investment along with stadiums, convention centers housing projects in several African cities.
Beyond infrastructure, China has also been actively promoting economic cooperation and trade with African countries. The CAF has played a pivotal role in facilitating these efforts, providing a platform for dialogue, negotiation, and partnership. China has established free trade zones with several African countries, reducing tariffs and barriers to trade. Additionally, Chinese companies have been actively involved in joint ventures and partnerships with African businesses, creating new opportunities for economic growth and job creation.
While all of this is welcomed by the African countries, it comes at a great price for Pakistan as China continues to lose interest in CPEC. Once hailed as a game-changer for both countries, has seen a decline in Chinese enthusiasm. This downturn can be attributed to several factors primarily due to Pakistan’s internal challenges and incapacities and somewhat due to changing dynamics of China’s foreign policy.
Pakistan’s endemic corruption has plagued CPEC projects, leading to delays and cost overruns. Red tape and bureaucratic hurdles have also slowed progress, discouraging Chinese investors. Transparency International Pakistan has estimated that corruption, overpricing of projects, bribery and kickbacks could have cost Pakistan billions of dollars in connection with CPEC projects. The ongoing security situation especially the infiltration from TTP and BLA has raised concerns about the safety of Chinese personnel and investments. The icing on the cake is Pakistan’s failure to repay $15 billion in power-plant debt owed to Chinese energy producers. Further dampening Beijing’s appetite for future investment in Pakistan. I truly believe that China is showing courtesy to Pakistan by just helping to keep its economy afloat since we have proved to be an untrustworthy economic alliance.
China’s expanding global ambitions have led it to diversify its investments and reduce its reliance on any single country. Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) remains a key component of this vision as China focuses on other BRI projects in regions like Central Asia and Africa. However, the slowdown in CPEC projects will only hinder Pakistan’s economic growth prospects and add to the country’s rising debt burden. Not to mention the serious geopolitical implications that accompany this decline in CPEC’s momentum, since it is translated as a weakening strategic partnership with China.
To simply put, China would have honoured its commitment to CPEC but Pakistan’s poor response to Chinese investment and economic interest makes for a compelling argument in the lender’s eyes to pull its strings. On the other hand, China’s economic engagement in Africa has significant global implications. By investing in the continent’s infrastructure and promoting economic development, China is helping to reduce poverty, improve living standards, and enhance Africa’s integration into the global economy. Moreover, China’s growing economic presence in Africa is challenging the traditional dominance of Western powers and reshaping the geopolitical landscape.
As China’s economic interests in Africa continue to expand, the continent is poised to play an increasingly important role in the global economy. However, this African gain for Pakistan only means China’s diminishing interest as its economic ally.
Nexus of Indian Army Officers and Drug Cartels
By: Sarah Ameer | September 14, 2024
Narco trafficking has been a nuisance for nations for centuries. Countries around the world introduced stringent measures to uproot this menace but, as they say, drug trafficking never dies; it moves, changes and adapts. The situation is further exacerbated when the defenders of the nation themselves become complicit in the drug smuggling activities. This collusion not only undermines the integrity of law enforcement and national security apparatuses but also augments the challenges faced in combating this problem.
Strong evidence cropped up, recently, regarding the involvement of Indian Army officers in the illicit drug trade. As per the reports, various officers of the Indian army were arrested due to their involvement in the business of drug smuggling between the years 2017-2021. The Indian officers have been running this business by working with the local drug cartels and using military resources to transport the drugs near the LOC. As much as the involvement of military officers sabotages the efforts of anti-drug campaigns, it also erodes public trust in its institutions. The surfacing of multiple cases over an extensive period of 4 years suggests that the issue is rather systemic, with its roots running deep within different segments of the Indian Army.
The complicity of the personnel of the Indian national security institution and the use of military resources for drug trafficking is a direct violation of those treaties and undermines their purpose.
This is not the first time that the shady practices of Indian security institutions have made the headlines. Earlier, the serving commander of the Indian Naval institution, Kulbhushan Yadav, who was working in tandem with the terrorist outfits, was arrested from Balochistan. A few months back, Canada, the US, and Australia lambasted India for audaciously committing extra-territorial killings on their soil. This series of incidents not only suggests that India has a history of misconduct but also raises concerns about the potential nexus of the Indian Army with drug dealers and terrorist groups. The narco-terror nexus is a reality of modern times, with both groups facilitating each other despite having different ideologies and operational motives. This is another dimension of hybrid warfare where countries use their proxies to further their agenda resultantly, posing a serious threat to regional peace and undermining the concerted efforts of the world community for a drug-free region.
It is worth noting that India is a signatory to the United Nations Conventions on drugs and narcotics. However, the complicity of the personnel of the Indian national security institution and the use of military resources for drug trafficking is a direct violation of those treaties and undermines their purpose. Unfortunately, due to India’s diplomatic and economic clout, the world has turned a blind eye towards violations of International laws and treaties thus, granting it complete impunity. The international community must understand that only by stayingunbiased can it effectively combat this global issue.
SCO and associated policies
By: Dr Mehmood Ul Hassan Khan | September 14, 2024
THE most recently held 23rd meeting of Ministers of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) member states responsible for foreign economic and trade activities in Islamabad vividly reflecting the golden principles of Shanghai spirit comprising openness, inclusiveness, mutual trust, political cooperation and last but not least economic cooperation among its member countries. Going forward, all members’ countries should jointly persuade develop common strategies to mitigate the socio-economic consequences of looming threats of US FED constant tight monetary policies, ongoing trade war, technology sanctions, disruptions of trade in international waters, deflation scenarios, economic stagnation and last but not least, non-state actors mainly climate change, terrorism, human & drugs migration, labour and economic vulnerabilities in the region and beyond.
In this regard, the Chinese President Xi’s policies of openness, transparency, modernization, digitalization, artificial intelligence, qualitative industrialization and last but not least green transformation must be followed and implemented in order to make the SCO an economically vibrant, industrially diversified, technologically innovative, ecologically green and last but not least, financially integrated to set-up their own banking & financial system for payments in which the role of China, Russia, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan, Pakistan and Iran would be game changer in the days to come.
BRI, CPEC and Gwadar would be a new “winning horse” for easy and smooth promotion and development of regionalism, e-commerce, industrial productivity, economic integration, connectivity and trade boom breaking the geographic “impediments” of the Central Asia Countries into “caravans” of greater connectivity and integration in the days to come. It is good omen that the SCO member states have decided to establish a Database of Economic Preferences (DEPs) for the SCO region, which will act as a comprehensive resource for the member states to access information on economic incentives and preferences within the bloc, fostering a more cohesive business environment.
Additionally, the inauguration of the Business and Investment Conference in Islamabad witnessed participation from senior ministers, senior government officials, foreign diplomats, representatives from SCO member states, and leaders from Pakistan’s business community, underscoring Pakistan’s commitment to enhancing trade and economic cooperation within the region. According to various official data, over the past 5 years, mutual trade between the SCO countries increased 1.5-fold from US$336 billion in 2019 to US$490 billion in 2023.The main trading partners in the region are China with 64.6 percent of all mutual trade and Russia with 26.2 percent. Kazakhstan’s share is 3.3 percent.
It is good omen that the SCO has successfully emerged as a driving force in shaping regional stability and global cooperation, with China playing a central role in fostering its development and goals. The SCO’s evolution underscores a commitment to enhancing peace, security and mutual prosperity among its member states and beyond. China, as the second-largest economy in the world and a staunch advocate for multilateralism, has played a leading role in shaping the SCO’s economic agenda and fostering befitting and win-win cooperation among member states. China’s vision emphasizes mutual respect, inclusiveness and win-win cooperation for its further economic strengthening, geographic integration, industrial productivity moving from geopolitics to grand geo-economics through prioritizing collective prosperity over individual gain.
In summary, the golden principles of Shanghai Spirit comprising openness, inclusiveness, mutual trust, political cooperation and last but not least economic cooperation among the SCO member countries should be the way forward. Persuasion of common strategies is a must to mitigate the socio-economic consequences of looming threats of climate change, terrorism and national capacity building hurdles in some of the member countries.
It is suggested that the SCO states should jointly work to form a “development, FDI, vaccine, SMEs and industrial SCO Bank” catering the requirements of the community based socio-economic development. It is pertinent to mention that forming of the “Green SCO Bank” would be a giant step towards the green transformation in the family. Moreover, “SCO Common Energy & Food Market” and “SCO Common Stock & Commodity Exchanges”, “SCO Digitized Bank”, “SCO Metal & Mining Bank”, “SCO Lithium Battery Bank” and the last but not the least, “SCO AI Bank” would further expedite concepts of regionalism and economic integration.
Pooling of resources to build various ports, integrated railways systems and gearing of pending trans-regional mega projects of the connectivity especially, Pakistan-Afghanistan-Uzbekistan trilateral rail project, TAPI, promotion of cluster & container trading patterns between Pakistan and Central Asian countries and last but not the least “Pakistan’s Wahkhan Corridor” with Tajikistan would further strengthen the SCO connectivity, economic and trading potential in the days to come.
Furthermore, SCO member states hold one-tenth of the world’s oil reserves, a quarter of natural gas reserves and 40 percent of coal reserves. In 2022, SCO countries accounted for 42 percent of the world’s cereals production, and 31 percent of meat production. It has a considerable share of global food exports, taking up nearly half of world rice exports and 22 percent of wheat exports. Thus formation of a “SCO Agriculture Bank” would be an innovative idea creating immense win-win cooperation.
Pak-US ties and global security
By: M Abdullah Hamid Gul | September 14, 2024
PAKISTAN and the United States have shared a relationship that, while not without its complexities, has consistently demonstrated resilience, adaptability, and mutual benefit. This partnership, forged over decades of strategic alignment, reflects the dynamic nature of global geopolitics and the evolving interests of both nations. From the early days of Pakistan’s independence, when the young nation sought support from the United States, to the present day, where both countries collaborate on a broad range of issues, the relationship has matured and deepened, becoming more multifaceted and strategically significant. Historically, the alliance between Pakistan and the United States was shaped by shared strategic interests during the Cold War.
Security cooperation has always been a cornerstone of Pak-US relations, and this partnership is stronger today than ever. The two countries have a long history of working together to combat terrorism and promote regional stability. The US has provided significant military aid to Pakistan, helping modernize its armed forces. For instance, since 2002, Pakistan has received over $33 billion in various forms of aid from the US, including military assistance. Pakistan’s strategic location and its role as a frontline state in the fight against terrorism have made it an indispensable partner for the United States. In recent years, Pakistan has made significant strides in its counterterrorism efforts, with the support of the United States. A notable example is Pakistan’s success in Operation Zarb-e-Azb and Operation Radd-ul-Fasaad, which were instrumental in dismantling terrorist networks within its borders. The United States, recognizing Pakistan’s pivotal role in regional stability, has continued to provide military aid, intelligence support, and training to Pakistani forces. These collaborative efforts have contributed to a safer and more secure South Asia, a goal that both nations continue to pursue with determination.
The positive trajectory of this collaboration was further solidified in September 2021 when the US reaffirmed its commitment to Pakistan’s security during high-level defense talks. The dialogues focused on enhancing counterterrorism capabilities and expanding intelligence-sharing mechanisms. This partnership extends beyond counterterrorism to encompass broader security issues such as nuclear non-proliferation, cyber security, and maritime security. By working together, Pakistan and the US are making significant progress towards a more peaceful and stable world.
Nuclear security is another area where Pak-US relations have shown remarkable cooperation. The United States has long worked with Pakistan to ensure the security of its nuclear arsenal. Initiatives such as the Strategic Stability Dialogue (SSD) have provided a platform for both nations to discuss nuclear safety, security, and non-proliferation issues. The SSD, revived in 2022, has been instrumental in addressing mutual concerns and fostering trust between the two countries on sensitive security matters. As the United States approaches its 2024 presidential election, the potential impact of a new administration on Pak-US relations is a topic of considerable interest. Whether the next President is Kamala Harris or Donald Trump, the trajectory of Pak-US relations is likely to continue on a positive path, albeit with different nuances depending on the leadership style and priorities of the incoming administration.
If Kamala Harris becomes President, the relationship between Pakistan and the US is expected to continue along the trajectory set during the Biden administration. Harris, as Vice President, has been an advocate for strengthening alliances and partnerships across the globe. Her administration would likely emphasize continued cooperation on climate change, economic development, and counterterrorism. Under Harris’s leadership, the US would likely continue its support for Pakistan’s economic reforms and development initiatives. The Green Alliance and other sustainability-focused projects could see further expansion, aligning with Harris’s commitment to addressing climate change. Moreover, Harris’s administration might also prioritize human rights and democratic governance, areas where constructive engagement with Pakistan could foster deeper mutual understanding and collaboration.
On the other hand, if Donald Trump returns to the White House, Pak-US relations could see a renewed focus on pragmatic cooperation, particularly in the areas of security and economic engagement. Trump’s administration previously emphasized counterterrorism cooperation, recognizing Pakistan’s critical role in regional stability. His return could lead to a resurgence of strategic dialogues focused on security and defense, potentially coupled with renewed efforts to enhance trade relations. Trump’s approach to foreign policy, characterized by transactional diplomacy, might involve negotiating more targeted agreements with Pakistan, focusing on mutual benefits in trade, security, and investment. His administration could also explore new avenues for economic collaboration, particularly in areas such as infrastructure development and energy.
Regardless of who assumes office in 2024, the foundation of Pak-US relations remains strong, built on decades of strategic partnership, mutual interests, and shared goals. Both potential administrations have shown a willingness to engage with Pakistan constructively, recognizing the importance of the bilateral relationship in addressing global challenges.
The future of Pak-US relations is bright, characterized by a deepening partnership that is evolving to meet the challenges and opportunities of the 21st century. Both nations are committed to building on their historical ties, leveraging their partnership to address contemporary challenges and seize new opportunities. The trajectory of Pak-US relations is undeniably positive. With a shared vision of peace, prosperity, and global security, Pakistan and the United States are heading in the right direction, building a partnership that will benefit not only their own nations but also the world at large. The enduring nature of this alliance, weathered through changing global dynamics and leadership, is a testament to the resilience and strategic importance of Pak-US relations. By continuing to foster this relationship through dialogue, cooperation, and mutual respect, Pakistan and the United States are poised to create a partnership that will stand as a model for global cooperation in the 21st century.
Pakistan: A tourism destination
By: Marriam Kaiwan | September 14, 2024
IN recent years, Pakistan has been striving to diversify its tourism sector beyond the traditional attraction of scenic landscapes and cultural heritage. Two promising avenues that have emerged are medical and religious tourism, both of which hold significant potential to boost the country’s economy and global standing.
Pakistan is home to numerous religious sites that attract pilgrims from around the world. The Kartarpur Corridor, which allows Sikh pilgrims from India to visit the Gurdwara Darbar Sahib without a visa, is a prime example of Pakistan’s commitment to promoting religious tourism. The World Travel and Tourism Council estimates that Sikh tourism alone could contribute Rs.18billion annually to Pakistan’s economy, creating 82,000 jobs. The global Buddhist tourism market, involving 500 million Buddhists, could contribute Rs. 16 billion to Pakistan’s GDP and create employment opportunities for 30,772 individuals.
Some of the Buddhist sites in Pakistan include Takht-i-Bahi, an ancient Buddhist monastery in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, renowned for its well-preserved monastic complex. Taxila, A UNESCO World Heritage site with numerous stupas and artifacts from the Gandhara civilization. Jamal Garhi, located in Mardan, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa dates back to the 1st century AD and offers a glimpse into the region’s Buddhist past. Shahbaz Garhi, also in Mardan features ancient rock edicts of Emperor Ashoka, highlighting the spread of Buddhism in the region.
Pakistan also has Hindu Temples like Katas Raj that is believed to be over 1,500 years old. Hinglaj Mata Temple, located in Balochistan is one of the most important pilgrimage sites for Hindus in Pakistan. Shivala Teja Singh Temple situated in Sialkot is dedicated to Lord Shiva and is an important site for local Hindu communities. Kalibari Mandir, located in Peshawar is one of the few remaining Hindu temples in the city.
For Sikhs, Gurdwara Janam Asthan, The birthplace of Guru Nanak is located in Nankana Sahib, Punjab. Gurdwara Panja Sahib, situated in Hasan Abdal is famous for the handprint of Guru Nanak on a rock. Gurdwara Rori Sahib,located in Punjab commemorates the site where Guru Nanak stayed during his travels. Gurdwara Bhai Joga Singh, situated in Peshawar is dedicated to Bhai Joga Singh, a devoted follower of Guru Gobind Singh. Our Sufi Shrines, the shrine of Sufi Data Ganj Bakhsh in Lahore is one of the most visited shrines in South Asia. Shrine of Lal Shahbaz Qalandar, located in Sehwan Sharif Sindhis known for its vibrant annual Urs festival.
These famous and lesser-known sites not only offer spiritual solace but also provide a glimpse into the rich religious and cultural heritage of Pakistan. Pilgrims visiting these sacred sites often spend on accommodation, food, and local crafts, thereby supporting small businesses and can potentially generate over $60 billion for Pakistan and create over 100,000 jobs. In Pakistan, medical tourism sector is on the cusp of a breakthrough. With state-of-the-art medical facilities in cities like Islamabad, Karachi, and Lahore, the country is well-equipped to offer high-quality healthcare services at a fraction of the cost in Western countries. Institutions like Aga Khan University Hospital, Kulsoom International and Shifa International Hospital are renowned for their high standards of care. Many Pakistani doctors are internationally trained and have extensive experience in their fields.
The affordability of medical procedures in Pakistan that can be up to 70% cheaper than in Western countries is a major draw for international patients, for example our IVF and infertility treatments. The lower cost does not compromise the quality of care, making it an attractive option for international patients. The influx of international patients for treatments such as cardiac surgery, orthopedic procedures, and cosmetic surgery can generate significant revenue for hospitals, clinics and overall economy.
In many Western countries, patients often face long waiting times for medical procedures. In Pakistan, the waiting times are generally shorter, allowing patients to receive timely medical interventions without having to wait for the formalities. For patients from Muslim-majority countries, Pakistan provides a culturally and religiously familiar environment. This can be particularly comforting for patients who prefer to be in a setting that respects their cultural and religious practices.
Patients and their families can also explore Pakistan’s rich cultural heritage and natural beauty during their stay. This adds an element of leisure and exploration to their medical journey. Thus, we can proudly say that Pakistan can successfully position itself as a destination not only for its natural beauty, but also for religious and medical tourism. The direct contribution of the travel and tourism sector to Pakistan’s GDP is currently 2.8%, compared to the regional average of 3.5%. By leveraging medical and religious tourism, Pakistan can significantly boost this percentage.
To achieve the aforementioned benefits, we must prioritize the development of our infrastructure. This includes enhancing healthcare facilities, improving roads, and upgrading accommodations. These improvements will not only attract more tourists but also elevate the quality of life for local communities. There are a few other challenges that need to be addressed to fully capitalize on medical and religious tourism. For medical tourism, improving the international perception of Pakistan’s healthcare standards and ensuring the availability of comprehensive medical insurance for foreign patients are crucial steps. For religious tourism, simplifying the visa process can also significantly boost tourist inflow.
Moreover, a robust marketing strategy that highlights Pakistan’s strengths in these sectors is essential. Collaborations with international travel agencies, participation in global tourism fairs, and targeted social media campaigns can help position Pakistan as a premier destination for both medical and religious tourism that offers both, healing and spiritual solace.
Pride and prejudice
By: Zarrar Khuhro | September 09, 2024
FOR 15 years India put all its Bangladeshi eggs in a Hasina Wajid-shaped basket and, by extension, in her autocratically-led Awami League. No matter how rigged the elections held under the ousted ruler of Bangladesh were and no matter how repressive her rule became, the Modi government was always the first to offer support and succour. India has always been keen to assert its influence over smaller states in South Asia (hegemony is heady) and with a seemingly secure and strong Hasina firmly in their camp, strategic planners in New Delhi could be forgiven for thinking that Bangladesh would remain a firm ally for many years to come. After all, a friendly or subservient Bangladesh is critical to keeping India’s perpetually restive north-eastern states in control, not to mention securing a decent return on Indian investments and lines of credit to Dhaka itself.
And then, in the space of just a few weeks, a prized asset turned into something of a liability when massive student-led protests forced Hasina to flee Dhaka and seek refuge in India.
Now the former prime minister has become a sticking point in relations between India and Bangladesh, where the protesters quite rightly accuse India of propping up Hasina’s autocratic rule and harbour suspicions that she may attempt to stage a comeback with the help of New Delhi or will, at the very least, try and destabilise the interim setup.
This suspicion is not eased by the fact that Hasina also refuses to stay silent: from her shelter in India, she has called for “justice,” demanding that those involved in “terror acts” be “investigated and punished.” It was quite a stunning display of chutzpah from a woman whose security forces reportedly gunned down hundreds of protesters and who was forced to flee after close aides and family members finally convinced her that the game was over.
India has always been keen to assert its influence over smaller states.
This raised hackles in Dhaka; Muhammad Yunus, the head of Bangladesh’s interim government, called allowing Hasina to speak an “unfriendly gesture” on the part of India and said that Delhi should at the very least keep her quiet until Dhaka formally asks for her extradition. “She has been given shelter there, and she is campaigning from there,” said Yunus, who added that “she has to be brought back, or else the people of Bangladesh won’t be at peace. The kind of atrocities she has committed, she has to be tried in front of everyone here.”
But quite apart from New Delhi’s own arrogance, the BJP’s toxic use of religious nationalism (used with great success domestically) spread through both social media and mainstream Indian media, is also proving to be a major stumbling block in developing good relations with the new Bangladesh.
Even as the revolution was unfolding, Indian channels and social media dubbed it an ‘Islamist’ uprising while laughably also accusing Pakistan of playing a part in orchestrating it. A narrative was developed that Hindus in Bangladesh are being systematically targeted and India’s massive fake news machine swung into action, using old and out-of-context videos to paint a few isolated incidents as a nationwide pogrom.
Trained to hate Muslims regardless of their country of origin’s ties with India, these rabid social media cadres would routinely target Bangladesh with fake news and vitriol even when Hasina was in power. Nor was the disdain limited to social media warriors; Home Minister Amit Shah routinely referred to Bangladeshi migrants as ‘termites’ and the Indian Border Security Force was notorious for targeting Bangladeshis.
Thus, even as Indian ties with Hasina flourished, a sense of resentment began to be fostered among the Bangladeshi people who saw India not only side with their oppressor, but also target and belittle them regularly in its pro-paganda campaigns. As a result, long before the revolution, an ‘India out’ campaign was alr-eady underway in Bangladesh, calling for a boycott of Indian products to protest “India’s relentless meddling in Bangladesh’s domestic affairs.”
The campaign echoed an earlier such movement in the Maldives, which has traditionally remained in the Indian orbit. Here too we see that the new leadership was bold enough to strike a new path in its foreign policy, moving away from dominance by India to a more balanced approach.
Nepal, another small state that — simply by dint of relative size and strength — should easily be in the Indian orbit has also sparked a new feud with its giant neighbour over the issuance of bank notes that show disputed territory as part of Nepal.
One cannot change geography and all three of these states will have to do business with India regardless of their inclinations, but New Delhi would do well to recognise that while hate and derision may provide domestic dividends, they are not effective foreign policy tools.
Pakistan’s IMF experience
By: Humayun Akhtar Khan | September 09, 2024
In my long experience of electoral politics, there are few instances when I found the voters more consumed by gloom as they are now, their hope in the future sapped. For their economic loss, they blame the minority at the top who make all the decisions, with outside advice. Our troubles though are not of the IMF’s making. They are the outcome of political choice.
No one envies the government’s job of tackling the hard economic conditions. It is a test for the most astute and daring – and they are trying. We are in a period of adjustment. Inevitably that leaves many people upset.
Yet, adjustment must come with the promise of a better future. For over a decade, the government of Pakistan’s economic policy has impoverished the people, hollowed industry and stalled agriculture. The people, especially the youth, have lost hope. We can no longer ignore the possible threat to social stability.
In the six IMF deals since 2000, the government has focused on stability but not on increasing private investment or job creation. Usually, adjustment programmes aim for both.
As a result, with Pakistan in and out of IMF programmes, growth rates have been flat or negative. There is a high budget deficit, low exports and a lack of jobs for the youth. Saving and investment are down. Credit to the private sector has fallen sharply. Pakistan has produced no new product for export and going up the value chain is an unrealistic hope. In fact, our main exports are still what they were two decades ago. Agriculture saw a good year, on a low base after the floods, but it has seen ten years of decline. Struggling industries are closing down.
High cost of capital, power and other services inhibit private activity. Firms continue to deal with the barriers posed by poor governance. IT offers hope, but it is still small. The sector needs more public investment for quality training and infrastructure.
The biggest concern is that debt levels, especially foreign debt, have spiraled. Gross public debt is 75 per cent of GDP. Total foreign debt is 43 per cent of GDP. We are in a debt trap, borrowing to pay past debt. In fiscal 23, foreign debt servicing, interest and principal, was $20 billion, 63 per cent of total exports and 5.5 per cent of GDP. That year, we paid foreign creditors $4.4 billion in interest alone.
In FY24, the government will pay an astounding sum of over Rs7 trillion in interest to creditors at home and abroad. The amount is over 50 per cent of total federal expense and may end up being more than the net revenue. There is nothing left to spend on human resource or infrastructure. Experts call for urgent debt management to exit the dead end in which we have landed.
Despite the high debt stock, infrastructure services are way short of IT or the industry’s need to boost productivity. Nor is there a fall in poverty or progress in social indicators. This is an economic policy designed to fail. With no lessons drawn, the expressed intent is to do more of the same. Each year debt servicing needs will become higher. No amount of tax measures would help. It is like a dog chasing its tail.
The government’s illusory hope that taxes would help avoid the IMF in the future is a pipedream. The only way to avoid more of the IMF is growth in GDP and exports. The only path present policies guarantee is one of more poverty and low GDP.
Of course, fiscal stability is important. Any prudent leadership would want that, even without outside prompting. The government though takes the most inept route. It cuts growth-inducing spending and splurges on non-productive interest and subsidies. That is why we are forever stuck at the fiscal stability stage and do not transit to growth. And so, before one IMF programme ends, the government of Pakistan begins to prepare for the next one.
The economy does not produce enough to repay loans. So, we borrow more. It is a drain on the economy when tax money that could improve lives or increase investment goes to creditors at home or abroad.
There is a method to this sorry tale. Decision-makers prefer not to disturb the free ride enjoyed by some in the economy. They would rather pile debt on debt and pass the burden of staying afloat on those without a political voice. We are knowingly in a vicious cycle of debt and taxes that gets worse each year.
There is no evidence of any change in policy or habit. We still plan to borrow and tax more. There is not enough stress on investment and export. Also, fiscal profligacy continues. In between two IMF programmes, the government got a huge supplementary grant for security needs and to pay subsidies to IPPs. Can such whims and fancy allow the economy to improve?
Structural adjustments have pros and cons. The government has made that discussion superfluous. Its execution in our hands means adjustment for most and largesse for a few.
There is a limit to this strategy. For a nuclear weapons country to amass so much debt is risky and unviable. The time for real reforms is now. It cannot wait.
The government must have a growth strategy with the IMF programme its one part. In the government’s narrative, the IMF programme is an end in itself. There is no known plan for paying back the debt.
Rather than the erratic execution of structural reforms, our economy needs structural transformation. The latter is a long-term plan for step-by-step industrialization. Under it, the economy would produce more goods and services for export by slowly going up the value chain.
The SIFC is the best institution for formulating and executing a parallel growth strategy by bringing all stakeholders on board. During a period of adjustment, the government’s space for action is small. Yet, we cannot allow another three or more years of a slow economy. The danger of social instability is too high.
There are essential steps the government must take. It must limit spending. Go for debt management to lower interests, revisit power policy to control subsidy, reduce DISCO losses and privatize PSEs. These steps could free up Rs1 trillion or more yearly to offer well-considered incentives to the private sector. Part money must also go to HR, R&D and infrastructure.
The government must make the tax burden fair and not allow a free ride to any group. Provinces need to also increase their revenue.
The government has done well to control imports. The test is to do so while not letting total demand drop. Within the economy’s wiggle room, the government must improve conditions for private industry. Access to capital is critical. We must revive DFIs. There should be deep and broad consultation with the private sector to decide on incentives for them.
Also, there is a need to vitalize SMEs in cities and villages. They do not need much capital, energy and technology. SMEs increase the income levels of small entrepreneurs and workers, which increases demand in the economy for goods produced at home by other industries.
Our leaders seem out of ideas. Rather than echo the tired old mantra of foreign experts, we expect original ideas and bold efforts from them. Their failure is not just of economic policy but of politics and courage. It is their inability to imagine a progressive self-respecting society.
South Asia Stalemate
By: Sher Ali Bukhari | September 09, 2024
South Asia is an immense region in terms of population, comprising two billion people. Yet, since the partition of British India, complex geopolitical realities, regional complexities, and political and ideological differences have hampered the prospects of regional trade, connectivity, and development from Dhaka to Kabul. In the presence of the Hindu-led nationalist government in New Delhi, the chances of resuming and reviving regional trade between India and Pakistan appear even slimmer.
It is remarkable that once, the South Asian region was highly integrated in terms of trade and investment, with individuals from any background able to participate in commerce, regardless of religion, ethnicity, or race. Famous historian William Dalrymple has argued that from the Mauryan to Gupta to Mughal to British eras, all rulers who played an instrumental role in unifying India also paved the way for regional connectivity and trade. Notably, the volume of regional trade in South Asia was around 25% before the partition of British India, but this figure plummeted to 5% by the 1950s.
The founder of Pakistan, M.A. Jinnah, envisioned an ideal and prosperous relationship between India and Pakistan, where—despite being sovereign and independent states—trade, investment, goods and services, and the movement of people and ideas could flow freely between the two nations. Citing the example of the USA and Canada, Jinnah envisioned a similar relationship between the newly born states of Pakistan and India in 1947, during an interview with a foreign journal. As reference, the USA and Canada are now the largest trading and investment partners.
However, reality moved in a different direction than Jinnah’s vision. The uneven division of British India sowed the seeds of mutual hostility and led to the outbreak of the first Indo-Pak war in Kashmir. While the Kashmir issue became the primary cause of bitterness and antagonism, other issues such as water disputes, division of assets, and the refugee crisis also limited the chances of a positive start between the two countries in any domain.
Moreover, India’s actions and motivations to establish itself as the successor state to British India, by imposing hegemonic and dominant behaviour in the South Asian region, stifled the prospects for regional trade and connectivity. The famous Indian historian Ramachandra Guha has argued that most neighbouring countries view India as a “big bully” rather than as Vishwamitra, due to its hegemonic behaviour and continuous political interference in the domestic affairs of smaller countries in the region—an attitude that is not conducive to establishing trade and connectivity.
From Pakistan’s perspective, due to India’s hegemonic behaviour, fears of Indian dominance, and a policy of non-engagement, the country unfortunately placed most of its reliance on the West. By forming defence pacts such as SEATO (1954) and CENTO (1955), involving itself in foreign wars like the Afghan Jihad (1979-1989) and the War on Terror (2001-2021), and depending on foreign loans, aid, and soft investments, Pakistan has failed to diversify its trade prospects beyond a few Western capitals. Thus, since its inception, Pakistan has largely played geopolitics rather than geo-economics when it comes to trade and investment.
However, at the turn of the new century, geopolitical and geo-economic realities shifted dramatically. Both China and India have grown rapidly in terms of trade and GDP, alongside improvements in human development indicators. Fears of China’s economic rise have pushed the USA to forge a strategic partnership with India and designate it as the net security provider in the region under the USA’s Indo-Pacific policy. Since the USA’s withdrawal from Afghanistan, key policymakers in Pakistan have drafted a Geo-Economic outlook, moving away from an era dominated by geopolitics and hoping for a revival of regional trade.
In this context, Pakistan’s key policymakers are eager to revive trade relations with India, hoping that such an opening will be beneficial, especially given the country’s current economic crisis. The coalition government, under the Sharif family, is largely in favour of resuming trade with India. However, from New Delhi’s perspective, the policy of non-engagement, isolation, and rhetoric about Pakistan being associated with terrorism remains intact under the hard-line Hindu nationalist government led by Narendra Modi.
There are two groups that emerge when discussions on resuming trade with India arise. The optimistic group, which favours trade, argues that improved economic relations between India and Pakistan would alleviate poverty, facilitate investment and development, and promote people-to-people and cultural ties, thus reducing hostility and bitterness. Such meaningful trade and investment could also have the potential to resolve the Kashmir issue and other regional conflicts. On the other hand, opponents of this view argue that due to India’s larger economy, technological advancements, and better human development indicators, trade would primarily benefit India. This is evidenced by the trade surplus India enjoyed between 2004 and 2008 during a brief period of heightened trade relations, where Pakistan ran a negative balance of trade with India (approximately $3.6bn in trade volume). Additionally, any resumption of trade without a settlement on Kashmir—especially since the revocation of the region’s special status—would be seen as a sign of weakness by Pakistanis, and might erode Pakistan’s principled stance on the issue.
For a meaningful resumption of trade between India and Pakistan—which already seems a slim possibility—Pakistan cannot sideline its core positions vis-à-vis India, particularly on Kashmir. It is also worth noting that the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC), the main body for regional trade and investment, remains hamstrung and virtually paralysed by India’s stance of non-engagement and isolation towards Pakistan. Furthermore, credible reports of Indian involvement in terrorism and separatist movements within Pakistan, particularly in Balochistan, make it difficult for Pakistan to consider full trade relations with India, despite pressure from the USA to engage with India on American terms.
To beat the enemy within, find friends within!
By: Dr Zia Ul Haque Shamsi | September 09, 2024
There is unanimity among academia and practitioners that it is more difficult to deal with the enemy within than the enemy without. This phrase, “enemy within and enemy without” was crafted after being heavily inspired by Quaid-e-Azam’s famous dicta “Peace within and Peace without.”
This short article proposes one strategy that may help deal with the enemy within. Although various state agencies and elements responsible for internal security may already be practising this, it is necessary to reinforce the idea to ensure that it does not go unnoticed.
The first and foremost requirement to deal with the enemy within is its identification because he/she thrives on its ability to merge into society to hide its identity so that it can operate with immunity. Therefore, friends within must be cultivated in great numbers to uncover the truth behind a hidden identity. The defenders’ job, subsequently can be accomplished without any difficulty because no matter how smart and resourceful the enemy is, it cannot fight with the might that the state has.
One can learn from the 1971 events of erstwhile East Pakistan that activists of Mukti Bahni could not be identified because they were able to mix into the populace. Moreover, they had an organized external support of the Indian Intelligence Outfits, which made the job of the Pakistani agencies and the armed forces far more difficult.
Taliban are perhaps a good example of asymmetric warfare where the entire nation supported the freedom fighters against every foreign occupier.
Likewise, in Afghanistan, the biggest and strongest military and the world’s best intelligence agencies failed to correctly identify their enemies in the vast and rugged terrain and that too in a least developed country. The outcome was the same primarily because the US-led NATO did not have the friends within and therefore, the enemy within could not be defeated.
In Pakistan too, the resurgence of Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) is due to the presence of their friends who are the enemies of the state. This is one of the advantages that the guerrillas have over the regular forces. Therefore, it is incumbent upon any state agency to cultivate its friends in the areas infested by the enemies of the state.
Going back to Afghanistan, one can see a pattern of Afghan society, which does not accept foreign forces on its soil. Historically evident that no matter how strong the invaders were, they could not remain on Afghan soil for long and had to leave after suffering huge losses of life and property. In the bargain, Afghanistan was destroyed and its people suffered immensely over decades of Soviet and the US-led NATO occupation of their beloved country.
Taliban are perhaps a good example of asymmetric warfare where the entire nation supported the freedom fighters against every foreign occupier. The wars in Afghanistan made people suffer yet the people did not accept defeat and they stood rock behind the people who took up arms against the occupiers, no matter how strong and merciless they were. Hence, the barefooted and untrained people could not be defeated even by the history’s strongest military coalition of all times.
In my opinion, it is necessary to understand the efficacy of making friends in the infested areas to effectively deal with the enemies within. However, this could only be possible when the genuine concerns of the residents of the area have been effectively addressed. Most concerns usually relate to justice, fairness, equality, education, health, and poverty.
Over the years, the Pakistan Armed Forces have been instrumental in developing the conflict-ridden areas, however, the effort may not have been enough for now due to which the enemies of the state do find friends in the infected areas. Consequently, the enemies of the state can hurt the personnel of the security forces as and when they desire. This makes people under-confident about the state’s ability to deal with the Non-State Actors (NSAs) who are well supported by external forces and also have friends within.
There is little doubt that the counterterrorism (CT) strategies adopted by Pakistan in the erstwhile Tribal Areas need a review at all levels: policy, operational, and even tactical levels to reduce the number of casualties for the regular armed forces, and other Law Enforcement Agencies (LEA).
At the same time, there is no doubt that Pakistan’s armed forces have vast experience in dealing with the menace of terrorism in all the bordering areas in the West. Therefore, it will not be too difficult for them to deal with the resurgence of the same phenomenon in the same areas if they go back to the basics: make friends within to beat the enemies within.
I am confident that the people of the area will be able to identify the enemies within and become the friends of the LEAs to maintain and sustain the peace, stability, and security in the affected areas.
China and India in the multipolar global order
By: Shahid Javed Burki | September 09, 2024
There is a growing fear of China among the administrations that have come to power in Washington since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. It was in 1991 that the USSR broke into several geographic pieces. While the states in Eastern Europe and Central Asia parted company with Moscow, China began to grow its economy and increase its military strength. In the early 1980s while working in the World Bank I had coined the term "a multipolar world". I was mocked by several commentators for using the term. I was reminded that in English language there were only two poles, north and south. Multipolar world did not make any grammatical sense.
While that may have been the case, there is no denying the fact that there are now several centres of economic activity around the globe. Most of these have their spheres of influence. Often these overlap, which gives rise to conflict. This is the case in Eastern Europe, East Asia and the Middle East. These involve in some way or the other the United States. Washington is helping Ukraine in Eastern Europe to push back Russia which invaded its neighbouring country to recreate what was once Greater Russia. In the Middle East, Washington is aiding Israel to put down the Palestinians in the Gaza Strip and the West Bank. In East Asia, Washington is partnering with several states to check the rise of China. It is also working with India to develop a counter power to China. Today I will discuss whether India is able to counter the growing influence of China.
If global presence is measured in terms of the size of the population, India has overtaken China and is now the world's most populous country. It also has a higher rate of population growth than China. Beijing now must deal with the problem that has resulted in rapidly aging people and decline in the rate of increase in population. These demographic challenges have severe economic consequences. Countries need, if not growing than at least steady population size, to maintain reasonable rates of economic growth. With aging comes pressure on public funds. It means diverting public resources from investment in economic development and social improvement to take care of the old.
As India grows and diversifies its economy, it has become more dependent on China rather than develop independently and compete with the Asian economic giant. The subject of growing Indian dependence on China was covered in an in-depth analysis by Karishma Mehrotra in an article written for The Washington Post. The analysis was published under the title 'India's growing reliance on China poses challenge for U.S. trade strategy'. He wrote: "American businesses looking to reduce their reliance on China have been eyeing India in the past few years as a new manufacturing hub - and as a hedge against potential disruptions in Chinese supply chains by rising geopolitical tensions or another pandemic. But as India has amped its production of goods like smartphones, solar panels and medicine, the Indian economy itself has become dependent on Chinese imports, in particular for the components that go into these products. This dynamic serves as a reality check for U.S. policymakers who have been urgently promoting efforts to diversify supply chains away from Chinese factories and 'de-risk' the commercial relationship with China."
Will the Western companies - especially those based in the United States - be successful in linking with the enterprises in India, bypassing China. The answer is no, since India is heavily dependent on China for parts and components it needs for its finished products. "Unless China stops being the third party from where components come in and we just assemble, that de-risking is not going to happen for any country producing in India," said Sriparna Pathak, an associate professor at Jindal University focusing on India-China relations. According to Global Traded Research Institute, GTRI, an Indian think tank, imports from China include finished products as well as intermediate goods. Imports from China have been growing twice as fast as those overall and now make up a third of Indian imports. India's domestic industry is deeply dependent on the parts and components that are imported from China and go into final products. Nearly two-thirds of the Indian imports of electronic components such as circuit boards and batteries now come from China, says the Confederation of Indian Industry. According to the data released by GTRI, the volume of such Chinese imports has tripled during the past five years.
India has a well-developed pharmaceutical industry. The world's reliance on Indian medicines and vaccines became clear during the Covid-19 pandemic. However, even in this industry, India relies on ingredients from China. According to GTRI, imports from China of intermediate drug products increased by more than one-half during the buildup related to the pandemic.
American reliance on solar power to meet what it saw as its obligation to reduce the emission of greenhouse houses to reduce the impact on global warming was fed by imports of solar panels from China. However, when reducing the reliance on imports from China became a priority, the United States sought inputs from India. As the switch occurred, it was revealed that India sourced between half of its solar components - such as modules, cells, wafers solar glass - from China between 2021 and 2023.
According to senior America officials who spoke to Mehrotra, "We have taken a more practical view that in order to effectively diversify, the first step is to get a foothold in the parts of this supply chain where you can diversify today. And then from there you can go upstream." That is where India enters the American strategy to delink as much as possible from China. But as already discussed, India's reliance on China is increasing even in the industries in which it has had traditional advantage. To support the manufacture of Indian textiles and garments, manufacturers in the country have been ramping up imports of yarn and fabric from China. Even in the fast-growing automobile industry, India has been increasing its imports from vehicle parts and accessories from China. This is the case in particular in the electric vehicles sector. For instance, India has been successful in switching the important passenger-carrying rickshaws from using diesel to being powered by electricity.
A hero of Kashmir movement
By: Dr Muhammad Khan | September 09, 2024
SYED Ali Shah Geelani was an iconic personality in the Kashmiris struggle for their right of self-determination. On the eve of his Third Anniversary, Kashmiris from all across the globe pay tribute to this great Kashmir freedom fighterwho spent his life for the freedom of Kashmiris from Indian occupation. He died while being under the house arrest under immoral, illegitimate and cruel Indian Army. His death was a great loss to Kashmiris and all those civilized communities which support the right of self-determination of Kashmiris. For this noble struggle for the right of self-determination, Syed Ali Shah Geelani had to undergo tyranny and suppressions of Indian Government which included; years of imprisonment, torture, allegations, alienation, exploitation, life threats and finally house arrest for over a decade.
Even at the critical age of over 90 years while he was under house arrest of Indian security forces, he was victimized, deprived of medical facilities and basic human rights. Upon his death on September 1, 2021, his body was snatched from his family members and buried by Indian Army against the wishes of this great personality. His family was threatened and tortured for resisting to handover the body to Indian Army. It was a shameful day for Indian secularism and Indian democracy. Indian has been alienating and targeting all prominent Kashmir leaders who have been struggling for the right of self-determination of Kashmiris. Earlier, another senior Kashmiri leader Mohammad Ashraf Sehrai, who challenged India’s rule in IIOJK, was killed by Indian Army in May 2021 at the age of seventy-eight years. He was under the custody of Indian Army for months. Yasin Malik, another hero of Kashmiri’s right of self-determination is in jail for years now and facing the fake charges labelled by Indian Government and Indian occupation Army in IIOJK. Indeed, there is a history of martyring Kashmiri leadership since the start of their renewed struggle against Indian occupation in IIOJK in 1990. Apart from killing key Kashmir leaders, India has killed over 100,000 Kashmiris, raped over 12000 Kashmiri women and tortured and arrested thousands of Kashmiris since 1990. Nevertheless, there is no change in the struggle and spirit of Kashmiris for attainment of their right of self-determination.
Despite presence of dozens of UN resolutions and international commitments India remained reluctant to conduct plebiscite in IIOJK. Indian action of August 5, 2019, is indicative of its future designs for Jammu and Kashmir. India violated its own Constitution and Constitution of Indian occupied Jammu and Kashmir while illegally annexing the state with Indian Union as Union Territories. The US based human rights organization; Genocide Watch had revealed and alerted the world about the well planned genocide process in IIOJK. According to this organization, India took extreme steps of revoking Article 370 and 35 A in August 2019 to further consolidate its illegal hold over Kashmir and change the demography of the occupied state.
Indeed, India is constantly carrying out genocide of Kashmiri youth through various cruel strategies. As revealed by ‘The Guardian’ in November 2016, “India’s crackdown in Kashmirworld’s first mass blinding” in the world. From July 2016 to November 2016 were bloodiest in the recent history of Kashmir. Wide-spread use of pellet guns to blind and paralyze Kashmiris blinded and paralyzed million in IIOJK. In those few months, the peaceful Kashmiri protestors were responded with ruthless atrocities and brutalities from Indian security forces, who fired millions of metal pellets into crowds of civilians, leaving hundreds as blinded or paralysed.’
The inspiring factor for the Indian Army to continue this genocide in occupied Kashmir is that, it has total impunity under discriminatory laws like; Armed Forces Special Power Act and Public Safety Act. Besides, India wanted imposition of Hindutva ideology in IIOJK too and annexation and relegation of the statehood was considered as a way forward. The Kashmiri leadership like Syed Ali Shah Gillani put-up constant resistance to this illegal Indian act. On August 16, 2019, KapilKomireddi wrote a very insightful article about the real motives behind abrogation of Article 370 by Indian Government. Entitled as, “The Kashmir crisis isn’t about territory. It’s about a Hindu victory over Islam”. With the slogan of democracy dies in the darkness, the prestigious American daily, ‘The Washington Post’ published this article with many insightful revelations. However, the reality is that, Kashmir dispute was created both for the territory of the state as well as Hindu domination over Muslims since despite Indian occupation of the state for seven decade the state was maintaining its Muslim character.
‘The Washington Post’ in its op-ed (March 4, 2020) published a survey of the Kashmiri youth, carried out in IIOJK. The survey report reveals that, 91% youth of IIOJK demands that all Indian security forces must leave their state immediately. They feel that, Indian security forces in IIOJK are the real problem. This is a post August 5, 2019 survey published in this authentic American newspaper. Taking a lead from the struggle of Syed Ali Shah Geelani, Kashmiri youth are determined to continuing his mission until attainment of their right of self-determination. Indeed, today, IIOJK is described as “a place on the universe where the mothers often receive the dead body of their sons, fathers announce the venue and time for their funeral prayers, and sisters throw candies and flowers on their funeral procession.”
Balochistan's Riches
By: Umer Farooq | September 08, 2024
IN these times, when the protesters of the Baloch Yakjehti Committee (BYC) are demanding fundamental rights in Balochistan, it may appear insensitive to discuss the province’s mineral resources. However, this is precisely the moment to contextualise these resources.
In December 2022, the government quietly pushed through the Foreign Investment Promotion and Protection Act (FIPPA), a move aimed at paving the way for the various foreign investment initiatives, including the Reko Diq mining project in Balochistan. These projects were envisioned as the beginning of our national economic revival. However, achieving these goals seems difficult with thousands protesting across the province.
Balochistan is rich in minerals but plagued by discontent. The state appears to have failed in addressing the grievances of its people. While the government uses force to suppress dissent, it simultaneously seeks foreign investment for the region’s mineral wealth. This presents an alarming inconsistency in the federal policy.
Mining presents a rare chance for the state to rebuild trust with the people of Balochistan. But when we speak of the people, we don’t just mean the elite or those in power. We refer to those who are protesting on the streets, demanding justice. They seek fair trials, the right to see their loved ones, the freedom to choose their leaders, and the ability to voice their concerns against the centre. They fight for their rightful share of resources. The old strategy of controlling the people through nawabs and sardars has run its course. The current mass mobilisation is proof that suppressing the voices of the people is no longer a sustainable option. The state must listen, or risk losing the opportunity to heal a long-fractured relationship.
Mining presents a chance for the state to rebuild trust with Balochistan.
To engage with indigenous people has always been the foremost step in the development of a mining operation — from exploration to mine closure. This sector extends an opportunity for indigenous participation through training, employment, social investments, and procurement. These efforts could make the mining industry one of the largest private/public-sector employers of Baloch in their province. But what we see, on the contrary, is people begging for fundamental rights.
As an outcome of the various geoscience and feasibility studies, the consensus is clear that the most valuable minerals, including copper, lithium, and gold, are concentrated in some of Pakistan’s poorest regions, ex-Fata and Balochistan. Yet, instead of designing policies for local development in these areas, these resources are primarily processed abroad, with most of the export taking place to China. At this point, we lack the capabilities of manufacturing to compete globally, however, there could be some initiatives that could help gain the trust of local communities.
Securing access to minerals of Balochistan and processing is essential for a successful revival of the writ of the centre in the province. The access must be managed with care, ensuring that federal policy decisions do not overlook local engagement at any stage.
The path to utilise Balochistan’s natural resources must first pass through addressing the deep-seated grievances of the Baloch people. At the heart of their discontent lies the unresolved issue of enforced disappearances. In such a situation, conferences to attract foreign investment held in Islamabad are irrelevant until the basic human rights of the people are recognised and restored.
Once the outstanding issues of fundamental rights are adequately addressed, the conversation can shift to what is equally important: equitable sharing of the province’s natural resources with its rightful owners — the Baloch people. It’s an irony that a region home to resources like the Saindak copper-gold project, the Reko Diq mine, and the Sui gas field sees its people languishing among the world’s poorest, with per capita earnings below $1,000. When evaluating any development index — whether it’s the ratio of provincial per capita GDP to the national per capita GDP, gross regional product (GRP), Human Development Index, literacy rate, or any other measure — Balochistan consistently ranks at the bottom. This disparity demonstrates a contradiction of the federal policies that continue to neglect Balochistan’s rightful share in its own prosperity.
The young women who are leading the BYC are offering Islamabad a crucial opportunity — a chance to engage in meaningful dialogue. They are hurt. This is a call to listen with an open mind, free from prejudice, and to expand the conversation to include the rightful and just distribution of resources. The time for action is now.
Beyond the 1965 war
By: Saira Samo | September 08, 2024
Great nations never forget their heroes. They recognise them as their greatest assets, ensuring their sacrifices are immortalised. Pakistan, too, remembers its martyrs who laid down their lives during the 1965 war, defending the motherland from aggression.
Defence Day, observed on 6th September, honours both military valour and the unity between the people and the armed forces. In 1965, Pakistan faced an unprovoked attack from India, and the entire nation - regardless of sect, language, or region - stood united, following Quaid-i-Azam's guiding principles of "Unity, Faith, and Discipline."
The bravery of Pakistan's soldiers in frustrating India's attempts to undermine our sovereignty was widely praised. This war wasn't just fought on the battlefield; it was also fought in the hearts of the people.
From Lahore to Karachi and Kashmir to Sialkot, the coordinated efforts of the army, navy, and air force created a formidable defence, turning India's aspirations into unfulfilled dreams.
One of the most legendary figures of this war was Muhammad Mahmood Alam (MM Alam), who set a world record by shooting down five Indian aircraft in under a minute. His extraordinary feat continues to fill the nation with pride, representing the skill and determination of Pakistan's airmen.
The war also saw major naval achievements. Operation Dwarka, led by Commodore SM Anwar, successfully destroyed the Indian radar station in Dwarka. Meanwhile, the presence of Pakistan's submarine Ghazi kept Indian forces on edge, highlighting the Navy's professionalism and strategic brilliance despite limited resources.
On land, the Battle of Chawinda became one of the largest tank battles since World War II. Indian forces aimed to cut off the Grand Trunk Road and the Sialkot-Pasrur railway, but Pakistani soldiers, with unmatched resolve, repelled their advance, securing a crucial victory.
In this war, the story of Sepahi Maqbool Hussain stands out as a testament to unyielding patriotism. Captured and tortured by Indian forces, he faced four decades of imprisonment, refusing to betray his country. Even after having his tongue cut out, his silence spoke louder than words. Upon his release, he returned as a national hero, representing defiance and faith, earning him the Sitara-i-Jurat.
This historic event teaches us that wars are not just won with guns and tanks but with the spirit and unity of the people. The stories of our heroes - from the bravery of fighter pilots to the resilience of captured soldiers - serve as a lasting inspiration for future generations. Pakistan's victory in 1965 was not just a military success, it was a conviction to the nation's unbreakable spirit, the courage of its soldiers, and the unity of its people.
This year, as we commemorate this day, we renew our commitment to honour and protect the legacy of those who stood tall in the face of adversity. Their courage, etched into the annals of our history, remains a guiding light, reminding the world that Pakistan is unassailable.
The 1965 war brought important lessons to light. It clearly showed that when the army, navy and air force stood united, they could repel even the most determined enemy. Though Pakistan's armed forces had fewer resources and equipment, their strong resolve shifted the course of the war in the nation's favour.
Just as the armed forces played a central role in 1965, today it is an obligation that the entire nation - including politicians and civil society - contribute to uplifting Pakistan in every sphere, be it socio-political or economic. Though there is Sindhi, Punjabi, Balochi or Pakhtoon, we all should stand as one unified Pakistan. The success of the 1965 war gave Pakistan pride, and now it is time for the people of Pakistan to bring that same pride to every sector.
Our combined efforts, unified in purpose, will propel Pakistan towards greater prosperity and success for its people. The results of the 1965 war were highly motivating for the nation, offering valuable lessons. The key lesson is to remain united for the safety and integrity of the country.
Onslaught in Balochistan
By: Imran Malik | September 08, 2024
Pakistan needs to draw the correct deductions from these terrorist attacks in Balochistan. Do they foretell further terrorist attacks with deeper, more widespread, and more critical aims and objectives? The BLA/BRAS and TTP, who are reportedly in contact already, have options.
One, a combined, simultaneous terrorist assault with converging nationalist, sectarian, and ethnic objectives in Balochistan. The BLA/BRAS could be tasked with pursuing its nationalist objectives while the TTP could simultaneously create a sectarian and ethnic upheaval. The BLA/BRAS could attack BRI-CPEC projects, infrastructure, military/paramilitary forces, LEAs, intelligence agencies, government functionaries and installations, and unarmed civilians as well. The TTP, supported by local sectarian parties, could target Punjabis, Hazaras, and even Pashtuns to unleash violent sectarian and ethnic unrest in Balochistan and Pakistan at large. The aim would be to make Balochistan and Pakistan ungovernable, the BRI-CPEC unviable, and Sino-Pakistan relations unsustainable.
Two, BLA/BRAS and TTP could be launched simultaneously in Balochistan and KP, respectively, with India heating up the LOC, the working boundary, and/or the international borders, in tandem. That would overwhelm the Pakistan Government and military, forcing them to look in multiple directions—east, west, and inwards. The IFIs could, at the same time, start exerting severe economic pressures to further worsen Pakistan’s woes. Could such a volatile environment generate existential threats for Pakistan to force its hand on the BRI-CPEC and/or ominously on its strategic assets too?
It would require sublime leadership with deep strategic vision and foresight, courage, and determination to deter and pre-empt such vile, worst-case scenarios. A two-pronged approach is warranted. The Governments of Balochistan and Pakistan must first blunt the leverage that RAW and other hostile intelligence agencies hold over the terrorists through a comprehensive media counter-offensive. RAW’s propaganda, fake news, misinformation, etc., must be effectively negated and nullified. Furthermore, they must engage the people of Balochistan directly. The era of the indirect approach through their ruthless, feudal, dictatorial Sardars is now over. The educated Baloch middle class is now at the forefront and must be engaged forthwith. It must be a whole-of-the-Government-and-nation approach with the military, intelligence agencies, paramilitary forces, and civil society all involved in the dialogue. The genuine demands and reservations of the Baloch must be listened to patiently and remedies provided immediately.
A massive development programme must be initiated to create the necessary infrastructure and employment opportunities in the province. Education and health facilities must reach all corners of the province and be readily available to all people. By law, locals must be employed by the projects of the Government, BRI-CPEC, and foreign investors. The necessary training and technical skills must be imparted to them to that end. The mineral, gas, and oil resources of Balochistan must first serve the interests and needs of the locals. Projects of the CPEC, including Gwadar, Reko Diq, and Saindak, must contribute directly and tangibly to the upliftment of the province and the fortunes of the people. Reko Diq and Saindak must establish refining and manufacturing facilities in the hinterland of the Mekran Coast and employ locals to benefit them.
The administration of the province through A and B areas must be done away with. There should be only one well-trained, well-organised, well-equipped, well-led, and motivated Balochistan Police Force that must establish its writ all over the province. The Levies have been unable to deliver thus far and must be subsumed elsewhere. A strong police force, comprised overwhelmingly of locals, is inevitable to maintain law and order in the province. The much-trumpeted Truth and Reconciliation Commission must be put into practice post-haste. The most sensitive issue of the Missing Persons must be addressed head-on in an honest, forthright, true, fair, and just manner. All acts of terrorism must also be brought out in full, and the losses of men and material to the Armed Forces, paramilitary forces, LEAs, intelligence services, and civil society must be acknowledged and responsibility apportioned. A spirit of blanket forgiveness and forgetting of past (mis)deeds must prevail to bring an end to this foreign-sponsored exploitation of our own fault lines, inadequacies, and failings. This is a sine qua non to securing Balochistan and, by implication, Pakistan!
At the military level, Pakistan must be prepared to deter, pre-empt, and effectively counter both possible contingencies. Its Armed Forces, paramilitary forces, LEAs, and intelligence agencies must become more proactive, dominate the area, and deny the terrorists any freedom of movement and action. They must employ the vertical element in their tactics, using satellites, drones, air reconnaissance, and air-ground interdictions wherever needed. Furthermore, the communication systems of the terrorists (reportedly Starlink-based) need to be countered. Night vision devices, ground and air mobility for troops quick reaction forces longer-range direct and indirect fire weapon systems, and better communications are the need of the hour. Once engaged, the terrorists must not be allowed to disengage but be annihilated in situ. In the case of a twin assault in Balochistan and KP, Pakistan must plan to defeat them either way—simultaneously or piecemeal. Pakistan must feel no compunction in targeting their hideouts and safe havens across the Pak-Afghan border. Of necessity, Pakistan Government’s and military’s responses must always remain relevant in time, space, and effect!
Securing Balochistan, in all respects, thus becomes Pakistan’s immediate, primary, vital, and core national interest. The first step would be to engage the people of Balochistan and settle their grievances to their satisfaction. Period. Second, the Armed Forces and intelligence agencies must retain the initiative over the terrorists, always and every time—be it on the battlefield or in winning over the hearts, minds, and souls of the people of Balochistan.
Terrorism in Balochistan
By: Dr Tehmina Aslam Ranjha | September 08, 2024
On the night spanning between August 25 and 26, terrorists of the notorious Baloch Liberation Army (BLA) withered Balochistan with a series of coordinated attacks. Highways and railways were disrupted. Vehicles were torched. Passengers from Punjab were singled out to lose their lives. Security posts of the Levies and Frontier Constabulary were also not spared. The attacks ravaged ten districts.
Reportedly, around 35 vehicles were set on fire and more than 70 people (both civilians and security forces) lost their lives. In recent history, this was the single major loss of property and human life.
It is apparent that the Majeed Brigade of the BLA (which owned the responsibility) planned the attacks and dispersed its terrorists to designated places beforehand. Ironically, the security forces failed to catch the hint of the BLA’s next move. This is where local intelligence failed to perform. The same point also indicates that there is a present disconnect between the security forces, including the local police, and the masses. Either the BLA worked super secretly or the masses sided with and approved of the acts of the BLA. The same point also means that the current political regime running Balochistan is a dummy one having little penetration in the masses. It is also said that the attacks coincided with the death anniversary of the late Nawab Akbar Khan Bugti who lost his life in 2006 (August 26) for demanding the Baloch rights. The intelligence apparatus must have foreseen August 26 coming. Without the failure of intelligence, the BLA could not have worked in such an expanded area.
The BLA got sophisticated weapons from Afghanistan after foreign forces (US and NATO) left the country in mid-2021.
It is also apparent that the Majeed Brigade of the BLA kept on killing people, burning vehicles on the roads and fighting the security forces, both the Levies and Frontier Constabulary. Sounds of blasts and sights of burning vehicles must have alerted the security forces of the unfortunate happenings around them. Further, a few days ago, the BLA had also issued a warning to all not to travel on highways without affording the risk of intervention. A local administrator had also lost his life when his convoy came under fire. These events were enough to prompt the security forces into chalking out a plan to counter such threats with a rapid response. Ironically, when terrorists were on a rampage from one place to another, the security forces were generally inactive and decided to stay indoors. The security forces waited for the dawn. This was a tragedy.
In totality, the attacks are a signal of war on Pakistan. The moral authority of the state stands reduced. People’s reliance on the security forces has dwindled. Pakistan has reached a crossroads, where it has to decide about the next step. Unfortunately, when the attacks were underway, the Chinese Chief of Army was in Islamabad. China has already invested $60 billion in Gwadar and tolerated the deaths of its engineers in both the northwest and southwest of Pakistan. China has run out of patience. Whereas the federal cabinet has approved Rs 20 billion to launch Operation Azme Istehkam, China has offered its anti-terrorism cooperation to Pakistan. This point heralds a new beginning in Pak-China relations – both countries participating in a real-time anti-terrorist campaign to construct an economic future.
Nevertheless, things are not so simple. The BLA got sophisticated weapons from Afghanistan after foreign forces (US and NATO) left the country in mid-2021. Reportedly, it was the Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) which shared the booty of ammunition with the BLA. Afghanistan also remained a hub for the training of the BLA, as Pakistan was an adversary of both the TTP and BLA. On top of it, the estrangement between the Afghan Taliban (ruling over Kabul) and Pakistan has also emboldened the resolve of both the TTP and BLA.
In the recent past, Pakistan afforded the annoyance of Iran by exchanging missiles from across international borders. Pakistan wanted to destroy the BLA camps in southeastern Iran. Pakistan could not succeed in doing so. It simply means that the anti-terrorism challenge before Pakistan’s security forces is not confined to Balochistan only. Instead, it spreads to neighbouring countries of Afghanistan and Iran. By now, the BLA terrorist might have fled to their hideouts existing in the neighbouring countries located to Pakistan’s west.
The India factor cannot be ruled out. Though Pakistan had permitted India to stretch a fence line along the Line of Control in November 2003 (in the wake of a ceasefire agreement) completed in late 2004, India is now complaining about the entry of Islamic militants into the Jammu region. Further, turmoil in Balochistan is bound to attract all those countries and groups keen to settle score with Pakistan. In the past, there appeared reports highlighting the training of Baloch separatists by Indian operatives functional in Afghanistan. One may surmise that the BLA attacks were meant to draw the Pakistan army to Balochistan. Hence, after Afghanistan and Iran, India would be the third country with whom Pakistan has to deal to bring peace to Balochistan.
Presently, given fragile economic conditions, Pakistan is in desperate need of foreign investment in the country including Chinese investment in Gwadar to develop the port. The attacks have aired the message of insecurity to any country thinking of investing in Pakistan. The attacks have also aired the message that Pakistan is failing to protect Chinese interests (both investment and engineers) in Pakistan. This is a grave situation unfolding to the disadvantage of Pakistan. This is where countries take steps in haste.
Pakistan has two choices: first, open the window of dialogue and see if it works; and second, launch a ferocious military operation to quell terrorism. Given the time Pakistan is passing through, the country may go for the second choice, which would be replete with both benefits and harms. Launching a military operation will not only confined to Balochistan. Instead, it will consume Khyber Pakhtunkhwa as well. Taken together, Pakistan is going to see its western half cleaned up of miscreants soon.
Globalization and its impact on Pakistan
By: Tanzeel Khanzada | September 08, 2024
Globalization, the intricate web of interconnected economies, cultures, and societies, has significantly shaped the modern world. As nations and regions have become more entwined, the effects of globalization have rippled across borders, bringing both opportunities and challenges. Pakistan, a developing country with a relatively low carbon footprint, is no exception. Despite contributing minimally to global carbon emissions, Pakistan finds itself grappling with the multifaceted impacts of globalization. This article explores how globalization affects Pakistan, highlighting the paradox of its low carbon footprint juxtaposed with significant environmental and socio-economic challenges.
Globalization has woven Pakistan into the fabric of the global economy. The country’s integration into international markets has opened avenues for trade, foreign investment, and technological advancements. However, this integration has also exposed Pakistan to the vulnerabilities associated with global economic fluctuations and environmental challenges.
On one hand, globalization has driven economic growth in Pakistan by increasing access to international markets. The country’s textile and garment industry, for instance, has thrived due to its ability to export goods to global markets. Additionally, foreign direct investment (FDI) has played a crucial role in modernizing various sectors, including telecommunications, energy, and infrastructure. This influx of capital and technology has contributed to job creation and improved living standards for many Pakistanis.
On the other hand, the globalization of trade and investment has also made Pakistan susceptible to external shocks. Global economic downturns, such as the 2008 financial crisis, have had ripple effects on Pakistan’s economy, leading to slower growth, increased unemployment, and reduced investment. Moreover, the country’s reliance on exports makes it vulnerable to fluctuations in global demand and competition from other low-cost producers.
One of the most pressing issues of our time is climate change, and globalization has played a significant role in exacerbating environmental degradation. However, Pakistan presents an interesting paradox in this context. The country has one of the lowest per capita carbon footprints in the world, yet it is disproportionately affected by the adverse impacts of climate change.
Pakistan’s low carbon footprint can be attributed to several factors. First, the country’s industrial base is relatively underdeveloped compared to other emerging economies, resulting in lower greenhouse gas emissions. Second, a significant portion of Pakistan’s energy comes from hydroelectric sources, which are cleaner compared to fossil fuels. Lastly, the country’s per capita income remains low, limiting the consumption of goods and services that contribute to carbon emissions.
Globalization has undeniably impacted Pakistan in profound ways, bringing both opportunities and challenges. While the country has made strides in integrating into the global economy, it must address the environmental and socio-economic challenges that have emerged as a result. With a low carbon footprint, Pakistan stands at a unique juncture where it can advocate for global climate justice while simultaneously striving for sustainable development at home.
Despite these factors, Pakistan is highly vulnerable to the impacts of climate change. The country experiences extreme weather events with increasing frequency, including floods, droughts, and heatwaves. These events have devastating effects on agriculture, which is the backbone of Pakistan’s economy and employs a large portion of its population. The floods of 2010, for instance, affected over 20 million people and caused damages estimated at $10 billion. Similarly, heatwaves have become more common, leading to health crises and reduced agricultural productivity.
Globalization has exacerbated these environmental challenges in several ways. The expansion of global trade has increased the demand for Pakistan’s agricultural products, leading to overexploitation of natural resources. For instance, the intensive cultivation of crops like cotton, rice, and sugarcane for export markets has led to water scarcity, soil degradation, and loss of biodiversity. Moreover, the construction of infrastructure projects, often funded by foreign investment, has led to deforestation and habitat destruction, further contributing to environmental degradation.
While globalization has brought economic opportunities to Pakistan, it has also widened the gap between the rich and the poor. The benefits of globalization have not been evenly distributed, leading to increased income inequality and social tensions.
In urban areas, the influx of foreign investment and the growth of export-oriented industries have created new job opportunities and improved access to goods and services. However, these benefits have largely been concentrated in major cities like Karachi, Lahore, and Islamabad, leaving rural areas behind. The rural population, which constitutes a significant portion of Pakistan’s workforce, has not benefited equally from globalization. Many rural communities still lack access to basic services such as healthcare, education, and clean water.
Moreover, the globalization of media and communication has exposed Pakistanis to global cultural norms and lifestyles, creating a cultural divide between urban and rural populations. This divide has led to social tensions and a sense of alienation among those who feel left out of the benefits of globalization. The influx of foreign cultural influences has also led to a gradual erosion of traditional values and practices, further exacerbating social tensions.
Despite the challenges posed by globalization, Pakistan has the opportunity to harness its benefits while mitigating its adverse effects. To achieve this, the country must adopt a multi-pronged approach that includes sustainable development, economic diversification, and social inclusion.
First, Pakistan needs to prioritize sustainable development by balancing economic growth with environmental protection. This can be achieved by promoting renewable energy sources, improving resource efficiency, and adopting environmentally friendly agricultural practices. The government must also strengthen its capacity to respond to climate change by investing in disaster preparedness and resilience-building measures.
Second, economic diversification is crucial to reducing Pakistan’s vulnerability to external shocks. The country should focus on developing high-value industries such as information technology, pharmaceuticals, and tourism, which have the potential to generate employment and reduce dependency on traditional sectors like agriculture and textiles.
Third, social inclusion is key to ensuring that the benefits of globalization are shared equitably across all segments of society. This requires investing in education, healthcare, and social services, particularly in rural areas. The government must also address income inequality by implementing progressive taxation policies and social safety nets that protect the most vulnerable populations.
Globalization has undeniably impacted Pakistan in profound ways, bringing both opportunities and challenges. While the country has made strides in integrating into the global economy, it must address the environmental and socio-economic challenges that have emerged as a result. With a low carbon footprint, Pakistan stands at a unique juncture where it can advocate for global climate justice while simultaneously striving for sustainable development at home. By adopting a balanced approach to globalization, Pakistan can navigate the complexities of the modern world and build a more resilient and equitable future for its people.
Balochistan terrorist organisations & India’s nexus
By: M Abdullah Hamid Gul | September 08, 2024
THE heart cries tear of blood over the situation in Balochistan. In 2006, an American Colonel Ralph Peter presented a new map of the region titled “Blood Borders” in the American Defence Journal, which is considered the world’s largest defence magazine, showing Balochistan separated from Pakistan. It is the real agenda of the colonial forces, for the fulfilment of which brutal terrorists, saboteurs and separatist elements are burning Balochistan in the fire of terrorism with their successive heinous incidents. In order to deal with these conspiracies of the enemy, the top military and civil leadership in the Apex Committee meeting on Thursday decided to root out terrorism from Balochistan. Undoubtedly, it is the sincere determination of the Pakistan Army that they are offering daily sacrifices of their lives for the motherland.
In the past few days, the revelation of Sarah Adams, an important former member of the American CIA and intelligence analyst, that we funded the creation of Pashtunistan and a separate Balochistan, was revealed by the White House. According to my information, the Taliban received 18.5 billion dollars from the United States after withdrawing from Afghanistan. According to Ahmad Shah Masood’s son, 67 million dollars are still coming to Afghanistan every month. It is a moment of thought that Balochistan has been made a Battle Ground. Indian intelligence agency is sponsoring sabotage in Balochistan. From the platform of Balochistan National Front (BNF), a separate state from Kohistan to Chitral is demanded by paid agents of “RAW”.
In Balochistan, RAW along with BLA fuelled Baloch nationalism. Baloch Liberation Army, Baloch Liberation Front, Baloch Liberation Organization and Lashkar-e Balochistan are active for independent Balochistan. Five districts of Balochistan, Sibi, Khuzdar, Turbat, Quetta and Dera Bugti are severely affected by the killings of these organizations. In the name of nationalism, Baloch Liberation Army is involved in other subversive activities including target killing, firing on trains, explosions, blowing up railway tracks and blowing up needle gas pipelines in these districts. There are reports that there are three camps of TTP in Kabul and two training camps of BLA in Jalalabad which are running under the patronage of RAW and Taliban.
Over four hundred BLA terrorists, equipped with advanced weapons and communication systems, are receiving training in camps and targeting Chinese citizens in Pakistan, acting under the direction of their foreign sponsors. Had Kulbhushan Jadhav been punished earlier, RAW’s sleeper cells may not have continued operating in Pakistan. Additionally, it has been revealed that banned organizations receive a portion of profits from Iranian oil smuggling in Balochistan. Many of these armed groups, such as the BLA and BLF, are directly involved in oil smuggling and have also been linked to gang wars in Karachi. RAW provides arms, ammunition, and financial support for their terrorist activities, while the Baloch Students Organization fuels terrorism in educational institutions.
In 2018, the Baloch Liberation Army, Baloch Republican Army, Baloch Liberation Front, and Baloch Republican Guards formed an alliance known as BRASS (Baloch Raji Ajoi Sangar). Currently, the BLA and BLF are collaborating in some areas, and the Baloch Republican Guards have joined their alliance. Balochistan hosts 46 camps of 14 terrorist organizations targeting Punjabis, Hazaras, Sindhis, and Balochs. The recent arrest of Gulzar Imam Shanbe, leader of the banned Baloch Nationalist Army (BNA), highlights the success of our intelligence agencies. Additionally, 70 fugitives have abandoned their arms and reintegrated into society, marking significant progress. The BNA has been involved in target killings and vandalism in Balochistan.
BNA, BLA and other terrorist organizations have Indian patronage and huge funding for these heinous crimes. Many of Balochistan’s missing persons are working with terrorist groups. A missing person, Balach Maula Bakhsh, from whom 500 grams of explosives were recovered, had confessed to involvement in 11 attacks on security forces and the killing of labourers in Turbat. More than three thousand Baloch have been killed by these terrorists. Baloch women have also been victimized by these separatist organizations. In order to discredit the Pakistan Army, these terrorist organizations kill their Baloch opponents and blame it on the security forces. Many well-known websites of Baloch separatists in Pakistan have been blocked by PTA, among which Baloch Warna and Baloch Voice are on top. Terrorist groups are taking huge payments from India for deceiving educated youth.
In 2018, the BLA established its own suicide squad called the Majeed Brigade and started targeting the Chinese. Majeed Brigade has killed 40 Baloch youths in the first quarter of this year. These organizations have started using educated women in terrorism while violating the wonderful Baloch traditions. This shows that these organizations are not Baloch from any angle. In April 2022, 30-year-old Shri Baloch blew himself up outside the Confucius Centre of Karachi University, killing four people including three Chinese instructors. In June 2023, female suicide bomber Sumia Qalandrani Baloch targeted a convoy of the Pakistan Army in Turbat. 25-year-old Sumia was working for the BLA’s media wing.
Karima Mehrab Baloch was found dead mysteriously in Canada in 2020. She was the first woman chairperson of the Baloch Students’ Organization Azad (BSOA) and was working on the Indian payroll. Abdul Ghaffar Longo, the father of Mahrang Baloch, who beat the rights of Baloch, was associated with terrorist organizations like BLA, BSF and BSO, which have been declared as terrorists by the United Nations. Mah Rang Baloch Solidarity Committee was formed after the death of Karima Baloch in Canada. Similarly, Sami Deen is the daughter of Dr Deen Muhammad, who was an associate of Muslim terrorists like Dr Allah Nazar Baloch and who has been declared a terrorist by the United Nations. The nexus of these extremist organizations working in Balochistan with India against Pakistan has become clear, but our security forces are standing as strong as iron, in front of enemy’s evil plans!
In the Shadow of Terrorism
By: Dr. Gul.i.Ayesha Bhatti | September 06, 2024
According to the latest Global Terrorism Index (GTI) report, Pakistan ranks 4th among countries most affected by terrorism, based on key indicators such as incidents, fatalities, injuries, and hostages. The GTI, produced by the Institute for Economics & Peace (IEP), assesses the global impact of terrorism across 163 countries, covering 99.7% of the world’s population. Pakistan’s ranking reflects its grave security challenges, as these indicators highlight the scale and intensity of violence. In August 2024 alone, the Pakistan Institute for Peace Studies (PIPS) reported 59 terrorist attacks, marking a sharp resurgence of militancy and raising serious concerns about the state’s counter-terrorism efforts.
This surge in violence can be attributed to a combination of external and internal factors. Geopolitical instability following the U.S. withdrawal from Afghanistan, Pakistan’s internal political turmoil, and deep-rooted socio-economic grievances have created conditions conducive to the revival of militant activity. The country’s position in the GTI underscores the urgent need for a comprehensive reassessment of counter-terrorism strategies, addressing not just the symptoms but the structural causes of terrorism.
August 2024 was particularly alarming, not only because of the number of attacks but also their geographic spread and tactical sophistication. The violence was concentrated in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP) and Balochistan, two regions long plagued by insurgency and militancy. However, what sets this new wave apart is the increased frequency and coordination of the attacks, indicating a resurgence of militant groups like Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). PIPS data revealed that these groups have regained operational momentum, as seen in a series of bombings, targeted killings, and ambushes across the country. This suggests a revival of terror networks previously weakened by military operations.
The resurgence of terrorism in Pakistan cannot be fully understood without considering broader geopolitical and domestic contexts. The withdrawal of U.S. forces from Afghanistan in 2021 and the rise of the Taliban in Kabul have dramatically altered the regional security landscape. For Pakistan, the return of the Taliban has created a complex and volatile dynamic. Initially, Islamabad hoped the new Afghan regime would help stabilise the region, but the reality has been far from reassuring. Instead, Pakistan’s tribal regions and border areas have experienced a spillover of militant activity, with groups like the TTP finding sanctuary in Afghanistan and launching attacks on Pakistani soil. This cross-border militancy, exacerbated by the porous Afghan-Pakistani border, has become a central feature of the renewed wave of terrorism in Pakistan.
However, the TTP’s resurgence is not solely due to external factors. Domestically, Pakistan’s political and economic instability has played a crucial role in fostering the revival of militant activities. The country’s 2024 political landscape has been characterised by polarisation, frequent government changes, political protests, and an erosion of state authority. This instability weakens the government’s ability to respond effectively to security threats, allowing extremist groups to exploit governance and security gaps. In this context, the resurgence of terrorism reflects the state’s declining capacity to maintain law and order.
Economic crises have further compounded these challenges. Pakistan has faced significant economic difficulties, including soaring inflation, unemployment, and a devaluing currency, which have exacerbated public dissatisfaction. When the state fails to provide basic economic security, it creates space for extremist ideologies to flourish, particularly in marginalised and impoverished regions. Terrorist groups have historically exploited these socio-economic conditions to recruit disillusioned individuals, offering them a sense of empowerment and identity. The convergence of economic despair and political instability has thus provided fertile ground for the resurgence of militancy.
Another critical factor in this new wave of terrorism is the evolving nature of radicalisation. In today’s digital world, online platforms have become crucial in spreading extremist ideologies. Militant groups are no longer confined to physical recruitment efforts but have embraced the internet to propagate their messages, attract followers, and coordinate operations. Social media and encrypted communication apps have become powerful tools for terrorists, enabling them to reach a wider audience and bypass traditional security measures. This digital radicalisation has made it more difficult for Pakistani authorities to track and prevent terrorist activities, as extremist networks operate in more covert and decentralised ways.
This issue is not confined to Pakistan but has regional and international implications. Increasing instability in Pakistan poses a significant threat to the broader South Asian region. As a key player in the Afghan conflict and a nuclear-armed state, Pakistan’s security situation has direct consequences for its neighbours and the global community. This makes it an urgent concern for international stakeholders, who must engage with Islamabad in a coordinated effort to address the root causes of militancy.
In response to the surge in terrorist activities, the Pakistani government has announced new counter-terrorism operations aimed at dismantling militant networks and restoring security. However, the effectiveness of these operations remains to be seen. Previous military efforts, while temporarily weakening terrorist groups, did not address the underlying socio-political and economic drivers of extremism. For Pakistan to achieve lasting peace and stability, its counter-terrorism strategy must go beyond military solutions and incorporate comprehensive measures that tackle the root causes of terrorism, including poverty, inequality, political alienation, and digital radicalisation. The country’s political, economic, and security institutions must work together to address these challenges, with a clear understanding that military action alone will not suffice.
Defending the Motherland
By: Malik Muhammad Ashraf | September 06, 2024
Wars have been part of the history of mankind and in spite of their destructive nature they have been fought between nations without refrain and still continue to happen with all their diabolical repercussions, notwithstanding the efforts of the international community through United Nations to prevent them. They have been provoked and imposed on smaller and weaker nations by the bigger and stronger ones either to subjugate them or to establish their hegemony. There is a saying that weakness invites aggression and the best way to achieve peace is to prepare for war. This irrefutable reality provides the rationale and justification for nations to take care of their defence needs in consonance with the level of threat that they are faced with.
Pakistan unfortunately has faced credible threat to its security from India ever since its inception. Inebriated by its bigger size and the military might at its command it has imposed four wars on Pakistan. It is said that the worth and character of a nation is tested during times of adversity and war. The 1965 war between India and Pakistan was the one during which the armed forces of Pakistan and the nation proved their worth and character through their unprecedented unity and bravery to thwart the nefarious designs of the enemy and to prove to the aggressor as well as the world that it was not only the military might that played a decisive role in victory and defeat but the small nations imbued with and fired by the will and determination to spare no effort and sacrifice in defending themselves could also turn the tables on the mightier foe.
I still remember a brief speech by President of Pakistan Field Marshall Muhammad Ayub Khan on radio around mid-day on sixth of September 1965 informing the nation about the Indian aggression in these words “The enemy has opened a war front of its own choice and its army has attacked Lahore after crossing the international border. Our armed forces are fully capable of defending the mother land and will not spare any sacrifice to thwart the designs of the enemy. The 130 million people of Pakistan whose hearts are resonating with the voice ‘There is nobody worth worshiping except God’ will not rest until the guns of the enemy are silenced”. This enthusiastic and zeal-inspiring speech by him had an electrifying impact on the masses who listened to it on the radio. Rising above their linguistic, religious and regional differences, they forged an impregnable and unprecedented national unity. Farmers, labourers, businessmen, civil servants and employees of the Civil Defence exhibited extreme patriotism in supporting the valiant armed forces. This national unity was undoubtedly nurtured and reinforced by the war songs sung by icons like Noor Jahan and Mehdi Hasan.
Pakistan armed forces were fighting a war to defend the territorial integrity of the country against a formidable enemy. They did defend the country in a befitting manner. When the war ended Lahore and Sialkot were far away from the reach of the enemy. The enemy suffered heavy losses in terms of military hardware. The tank battle at Chawinda in which India lost 100 tanks, will forever haunt military strategist of India. Our Air Force decidedly had an upper hand and destroyed 110 Indian planes ( 35 of them in dog-fights) as against its own loss of 19 planes; a fact corroborated by the independent international sources. Downing of five Indian planes in a single dog-fight over Sargodha by M.M.Alam wrote a new history in the air war fare of the world. The achievements of our soldiers on the battleground particularly on the Lahore and Sialkot fronts not only baffled the enemy but also proved the invincibility of the faith-inspired fighting force like the Pakistan Army. The Pakistan armed forces whose martyrs had written a new history with their blood and defended the territorial integrity against an enemy, five times bigger than its size and strength deservedly earned unqualified gratitude and appreciation of the nation.
The outcome of this military confrontation between the two arch enemies can best be judged by a report compiled by the Indian Defence Ministry in 1992 and revealed by The Times of India. The paper contented that the contemporary accounts, generated by a jingoistic press, saw the war as a spectacular victory on almost every front. But the truth ---which cannot be hidden despite the best efforts of the official historians--- is that the war was, in the words of one of India’s most distinguished commanders, Lt.Gen Harbakhsh Singh “a catalogue of lost victories” for India. Newsweek magazine eulogizing the ability of Pakistan Army to hold off the much larger Indian Army said “By just the end of the week, in fact, it was clear that the Pakistanis were more than holding their own”.
Since 1965 6th September is celebrated as Defence Day of Pakistan to express gratitude of the nation to the martyrs of the war, keep the same spirit alive, apprise the younger generation of the achievements of the benefactors of the nation and to eulogize their acts of valour and sacrifices that preserved our independence. The commemorations are also meant to reiterate the resolve of the nation not to hesitate from rendering any sacrifice in case it is ever subjected to any aggression. The martyrs undoubtedly are the pride of the nation.
The reality is that Pakistani Armed Forces have not only defended and safeguarded our territorial integrity by giving befitting reply to the enemy whenever it showed aggression against Pakistan but have also played a pivotal role in putting down insurgencies and terrorism which posed an existentialist threat to Pakistan. The sacrifices rendered by Pakistan Army during Swat operation, Zarb-e-Azb , Radul Fasad and Azm-e-Istehkam which continues with steely determination and commitment deserve unqualified gratitude of the nation. The Army has also been in the forefront to assist the government in relief and rehabilitation efforts in the wake of devastating earthquake of 2015 and the floods that have been ravaging vast tracts of the country.
In the permeating security environment and the nature of geo-political situation Pakistan Armed Forces, particularly Pakistan Army is a bulwark against all kinds of threats to the country and a defender of our ideological and physical frontiers. As an institution its role in protecting the state interests is beyond reproach. Those elements who are trying to malign the Army and have unleashed a sustained campaign against to drive a wedge between the people and Army are actually undermining the interests of the state. Their act of attacking the military installations and memoirs of the martyrs on 9th May was rebellion against the state. The Army and state are inseparable. The entire nation needs to show the same kind of unity that it displayed during the 1965 war and stand behind the Army to thwart the designs of the enemy and the anti-state elements.
War of missed opportunities
By: Raashid Wali Janjua | September 06, 2024
An ambitious group of civil-military leaders comprising foreign minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, foreign secretary Aziz Ahmed, and GOC 12 Division major General Akhter Husain Malik managed to convince the Pakistani military leadership to help the Kashmiri resistance inside Occupied Kashmir through armed insurrection.
In his book ‘Asymmetric Conflicts: War Initiation by Weaker Powers’, US writer TV Paul analyzes reasons that lead weak nations to initiate war. He presents six case studies, including the Arab-Israel War 1973, Indo-Pakistan War 1965, Falklands War 1982, China-Korea War 1950, Russo-Japanese War 1904, and Japan’s 1941 Pearl Harbour attack.
TV Paul argues that wars happen not because of countries’ strong sense of achieving something but because the weak often have few alternatives except war. According to him, strategic, political, international environment, and domestic politics are four areas that impact the war choices of weaker powers.
In the case of Pakistan, the favourable international environment due to military alliances with the West, favourable military balance due to US-delivered weapons, the perceived receptivity of Kashmiris for armed insurrection, and an aggressive nationalist civil-military clique in domestic power corridors convinced the leadership about the possibility of resolving the Kashmir dispute through armed conflict.
Pakistan’s Foreign Office had assumed that the Indian leadership would keep the war confined to the disputed territory of Kashmir. Factors like a demoralized India after 1962 drubbing at the hands of China, diversion of troops from Kashmir to the NEFA region, the Hazratbal incident and the 1963 uprising, and the perceived weakening of Lal Bahadur Shastri as Indian prime minister, in place of a titan like Nehru, encouraged Pakistan to break the status quo in Kashmir.
To defreeze the Kashmir issue, six infiltrating groups were launched in the region in the first week of August across CFL towards Srinagar Valley, Mendhar-Rajauri, Kargil-Dras, Nowshaera-Sundarbani, Bandipura-Sunarwain,Qazinag-Naugam, and Kel-Minimarg. Indians, as per BM Kaul, were rattled by finding one of the groups close to Srinagar and responded vigorously by moving two additional infantry divisions in Kashmir and attacking wide-open gaps in the mountainous terrain across CFL.
Pakistan’s 12 Division was strung out on the 400-mile front with paramilitary forces and ‘mujahideen’ holding wide gaps. Indians chose the strategic Haji Pir Pass for a double pincer division sized attack. Due to thinly held Pakistani positions, India managed to advance along the Uri axis and captured the Haji Pir Pass on August 30.
The loss of Haji Pir Pass rattled Pakistanis who launched Operation Grand Slam, a contingency plan originally conceived in May 1965 by Gen Husain Malik to relieve pressure on 12 Division. Operation Grand Slam was launched on September 1, with an infantry division and two armour regiments, and 4 Corps plus seven Division Artillery (Six artillery regiments and five batteries in total).
Indian targets in Dewa, Barsala, Chhamb and across Tawi bore the brunt of nine field, seven medium and two heavy batteries of Pakistan artillery. Capturing Akhnur was a strategic goal that would have cut off Indian forces in Nowshera, Rajauri and Poonch from Jammu, making their position tactically and logistically weak.
According to Shaukat Riza in ‘Pakistan Army War-1965’, 12 Division was to control operations till River Tawi and 7 Division under major-general Agha Muhammad Yahya was to take over from Tawi onwards. Akhter Malik, according to eyewitness Brig Mian Mehmud who was commanding 1 Army Aviation squadron, had planned to capture Akhnur by September 3.
Due to change in command, the operation got delayed and Muhammad Yahya could not capture Akhnur. Pakistan as per Lt-Gen Kamal Matinuddin came within an ace of capturing Akhnur, but the joker in the pack was with Indian PM Shastri, who ordered an attack across international border in the Lahore and Sialkot sectors on September 6.
Why Pakistan’s leadership had discounted an Indian attack across international borders, a possibility that was predicted by no less than Nehru in a statement as far back as 1950, is still a mystery. In the Ravi-Beas sector, the Indian attack along the GT Road and Burki axes was blunted by a resolute defence by doughty defenders such as Major Shafqat Baloch and Aziz Bhatti and the timely action by the PAF.
An offensive thrust in Khem Karen by Pakistani 1 Armoured Division petered out due to some staff and planning errors and use of inundation tactics by Indians. India had come close to a decisive defeat on September 9 when General Chaudry ordered the Indian Army to withdraw behind Beas but was saved due to his subordinate Harbaksh Singh, the commander of the Western Command who disobeyed his order.
In Sialkot, Indians were on the offensive employing three infantry and one armoured division against Pakistan’s 15 Infantry Division and 6 Armoured Division. On September 8, when there was nothing between the Indian juggernaut and Pakistan’s soft underbelly east of Sialkot, the PAF emerged from nowhere to scatter Indian armour. PAF action bought valuable one hour enabling the 25 Cavalry to reach from Narowal and stand like a rock against Indian armour, beating back its repeated attacks. On September 11, Indians advancing on three axes (Chawinda-Phillorah-Badiana) appeared to break through 9FF and 11 Cavalry’s positions at Gadgor-Phillorah.
The famed legendary Pakistan’s tank regiment – Guide’s Cavalry – swung into action and re-enacted the Charge of the Light Brigade type attack in debonair cavalry charges of yore, unhinging Indian 16 Cavalry and 17 Poona Horse, forcing a panicked recoil on Indian 62 Cavalry regiment following behind.
The 1965 war, which could have been a decisive strategic victory for Pakistan, turned out to be a tactical draw due to missed operational opportunities in the Akhnur and Khem Karen sectors. At the operational level, India’s decision against pressing on with offensives, despite having superior reserves, might have been to Pakistan’s advantage in this war of missed opportunities.
The spirit of Indo-Pakistan war 1965
September 06, 2024
The 1965 Indo-Pak War was a defining moment in South Asian history, emerging from deep-seated disputes over Jammu and Kashmir that had their roots in the 1948 conflict. The war, spanning seventeen days, began with skirmishes in the Rann of Kutch and rapidly escalated into a full-scale conflict. On February 25, 1956, Indian forces occupied Chhad Bet, displacing Pakistani Sind Rangers and setting the stage for future tensions. The situation further intensified in January 1965 when Indian forces began advancing with the aim of controlling the entire Great Rann of Kutch. The conflict was eventually mitigated by the Kutch Agreement, signed on July 1, 1965, after numerous acts of valor were displayed by both sides.
The dawn of September 6, 1965, was marked by a dramatic declaration from Field Marshal Ayub Khan: “India has attacked Lahore, and Pakistan is at war.” He urged the nation to defend its beliefs with unwavering commitment, setting the tone for the days ahead. That morning, the Indian Army crossed the international boundary at 0330 hours, launching an aggressive assault on Lahore and Sialkot. Pakistani troops, caught off-guard and inadequately prepared due to peacetime deployments, were thrust into immediate action. Concurrently, a major offensive was launched in the Sialkot sector. The Indian Commander-in-Chief, General Chaudhry, vowed to dictate terms from Lahore, underestimating the resolve of the Pakistani forces.
In response, Pakistan’s national unity surged. Field Marshal Ayub Khan’s call to arms resonated deeply with the populace. Despite the imminent danger, Pakistanis demonstrated remarkable solidarity. Citizens rallied to support their troops, with numerous acts of heroism and patriotism evident. The nation’s first line of defense was its collective faith and resolve to remain independent. This unity transcended societal divisions and fostered a communal spirit that bolstered the military effort.
The 1965 war saw extraordinary contributions from all sectors of Pakistani society. Veterans rejoined the ranks, civilians volunteered in various capacities, and organizations like the Girl Guides and All Pakistan Women’s Association played pivotal roles in fundraising and medical support. Artists and writers inspired the nation, while shopkeepers and everyday citizens donated resources to the war effort. The media countered misinformation, and local volunteers provided crucial intelligence.
The military campaigns:
Sialkot sector
The Sialkot sector witnessed some of the most intense battles. The Indian 6 Mountain Division, supported by the 1 Armoured Division, launched a major offensive aimed at breaking through Pakistani defenses. Despite being outnumbered and less equipped, the Pakistani 15 Infantry Division, including the 24 Brigade and 10 Infantry Brigade, held their ground. Notable engagements included:
- The battle of Jassar enclave: Pakistani forces, including 13 FF and 3 Punjab, defended the Jassar Bridge area fiercely. Despite heavy casualties, including the loss of Lieutenant Kaleem Mahmood and Captain Asghar Ali, the defense remained steadfast.
- The battle of Sialkot: The Pakistani forces, under the 15 Infantry Division, faced significant pressure from the Indian 6 Mountain Division. The heroic stand of the Pakistani troops, despite being outnumbered, became a testament to their courage.
- The battle of Chawinda: Known as the “Black Elephant,” this battle saw the Pakistani Army, including the 25 Cavalry and 24 Infantry Brigade, resist the main thrust of the Indian 1 Armoured Division, demonstrating remarkable resilience.
- The 6 Armoured division: Although not fully operational, it played a crucial role in the Ravi-Chenab corridor, earning the title “Men of Steel” for its exemplary performance.
Lahore sector
The Lahore sector bore the brunt of the Indian offensive. With a significant portion of Pakistani forces on leave, the initial Indian advance was swift. However, the Pakistani Air Force (PAF) played a critical role in repelling the assault and buying time for defensive preparations. Notable engagements included:
- The Lahore-Amritsar axis: Brigadier Qayum Sher’s counteroffensive, supported by 23 Cavalry, turned the tide and boosted morale. The Pakistani forces managed to capture Major General Naranjan Prasad’s jeep, a symbol of their success.
- The Khalra-Burki sector: Defended by the 103 Infantry Brigade, including 17 Punjab and 12 Punjab, the sector witnessed significant heroism. Major Aziz Bhatti, directing artillery fire, made the ultimate sacrifice.
The Naval and Air campaigns:
Pakistan Navy
The Pakistan Navy, despite its nascent state at independence, played a crucial role in maintaining sea lanes and disrupting Indian naval operations. Key operations included:
- Rann of Kutch Skirmishes: In April 1965, the Navy commenced patrols and maintained readiness amidst the Indian joint exercise “Arrowhead.” The international tribunal later mandated a ceasefire.
- Dwarka Bombardment: On September 7-8, 1965, the Navy executed Operation Somnath, targeting the Indian coastal radar base at Dwarka. This operation, involving seven Pakistani naval ships, was successful in neutralizing a key enemy asset.
Pakistan Air Force (PAF)
The PAF’s contributions were pivotal in the 1965 conflict. Early strikes on September 6 included:
- Initial strikes: The PAF targeted key Indian airbases and military positions, gaining air superiority and significantly impacting Indian ground operations.
- Pathankot strike: On September 6, the PAF launched a crucial strike on Pathankot, one of the main Indian bases, hindering the Indian Air Force’s ability to support ground operations.
The heroic air operations of September 6, 1965:
As the commanders at Air Headquarters (AHQ) monitored air operations from afar, the ground crew at PAF Station Peshawar was diligently preparing Sabre fighter-bombers for their imminent mission. With the aircraft refueled, armed, and ready, the team performed final checks. Squadron Leader Sajad Haider had earlier briefed the pilots on their strike mission, scheduled for 1705 hours. As the time for take-off approached, a serious yet resolute mood settled over the pilots. Equipped with parachutes and helmets, they made their way to their aircraft, greeted by the ground crew’s encouraging smiles and wishes of ‘Khuda Hafiz.’
The Sabres, engines whirring, began their taxi to the runway. With a thunderous roar, the lead aircraft, followed closely by its wingman, rolled down the runway, lifting off into the evening sky. The formation, led by Squadron Leader Haider, consisted of eight Sabre fighter-bombers, which soon stretched far into the horizon as they headed towards enemy territory.
In a meticulously executed battle formation, the Sabres descended towards their target, resembling hawks poised to strike. With the mission seven minutes away from the target, Haider glanced at his watch and flight plan, confirming they were on schedule. The formation, comprising Flight Lieutenants Mohammad Akbar, Mazhar Abbas, Dilawar Hussain, Ghani Akbar, and Flying Officers Arshad Chaudhry, Khalid Latif, and Abbas Khattak, maintained immaculate positioning. Their arrival over Indian villages triggered a flurry of activity as villagers rushed out to witness the aerial spectacle.
The Sabres climbed into the sky and Haider initiated the attack on the enemy aircraft, which were stationed in their pens. Despite facing heavy anti-aircraft fire, the pilots of No. 19 Squadron remained undeterred. The sky was filled with bursts of enemy shells, but the Sabres executed their mission with precision. Rockets and bullets targeted the Mysteres, while subsequent attacks focused on the MiGs, resulting in a fiery devastation at the base. By the mission’s end, the Sabres had destroyed 13 enemy aircraft, including MiGs and Mysteres, damaged C-119 transport planes, and hit the ATC building. The pilots returned home victorious, having effectively crippled the enemy’s supersonic MiG fleet.
The day also marked the first offensive strike by the PAF on an Indian Army base, saving Lahore from an imminent threat.
On September 6, as news of the Indian attack on the Lahore sector emerged, Haider and his squadron were mobilized. At 0900 hours, they were ordered to strike the advancing Indian forces along the Amritsar-Wagah Road. Haider and his team, including Flight Lieutenants Mohammad Akbar, Arshad Sami, Khalid Latif, Dilawar Hussain, and Ghani Akbar, took off under the September haze. Their formation, armed with rockets and guns, executed a series of attacks on the enemy vehicles, causing extensive damage and halting the advance. By the time the squadron withdrew, the battlefield was engulfed in flames, with the enemy forces significantly blunted.
In the evening of September 6, another critical operation unfolded as three aircraft from Sargodha targeted Halwara Airfield. Squadron Leader Rafiqui, with Flight Lieutenants Cecil Choudhry and Yunus Hussain, embarked on a pre-emptive raid. During the engagement, Rafiqui, despite his guns jamming, displayed exceptional leadership. Although he was shot down, his actions inspired fellow pilots and demonstrated his commitment to the mission. Rafiqui’s bravery earned him the Hilal-e-Jurat (HJ) and Sitara-e-Jurat (SJ), commemorated by namesakes across Pakistan.
Squadron Leader Alauddin led No. 18 Squadron on September 6, executing twenty combat missions against Indian forces. During an offensive sweep near Taran Taaran, Alauddin’s formation encountered a squadron of Hunters. Despite the enemy’s aggressive maneuvers, Alauddin and his team, including Flight Lieutenant Syed Saad Akhtar Hatmi, managed to down several Hunters, showcasing their superior skills and determination.
On September 11, Squadron Leader Muniruddin Ahmed undertook a perilous mission to destroy the Amritsar radar station. Despite previous failures and heavy enemy defenses, Munir and his team pressed on. As they neared the target, they encountered intense anti-aircraft fire. Munir, maintaining his composure, led the attack but was tragically hit and reported missing in action. His heroism was later recognized posthumously with the Sitara-e-Jurat (SJ).
The Hilal-i-Istaqlal award, introduced in 1966, honored Lahore, Sargodha, and Sialkot for their steadfast resistance during the 1965 war. This honor, celebrated annually on Defense Day, commemorates the bravery and resilience of these cities amidst the conflict.
Throughout the 1965 Indo-Pak War, Pakistani soldiers demonstrated exceptional valor despite limited resources. The contributions of musicians like Madam Noor Jahan and Mehdi Hasan, and programs such as “Jamhoor di Awaz,” played a crucial role in boosting morale.
During the 17-day conflict, Pakistan occupied 1,617 square miles of Indian territory, with 1,039 Pakistani soldiers martyred and approximately 9,500 Indian casualties. Pakistan lost 14 aircraft and 165 tanks, while India suffered losses of 110 aircraft and 475 tanks. The scale of destruction prompted India to seek UN intervention to end the conflict.
As Pakistan faces contemporary challenges, the spirit of unity, faith, and discipline exemplified during the 1965 war remains vital. Reflecting on past victories serves as a reminder of the nation’s resilience and potential. By embracing these values, Pakistan can overcome current difficulties and strive for a brighter future. The legacy of September 6, 1965, inspires a collective resolve to protect and advance the nation, reaffirming our commitment to unity and strength.
Let us honour the past, draw strength from our history, and commit to building a prosperous and resilient Pakistan for the future.
Xinjiang, Balochistan and FATA
By: Qamar Bashir | September 06, 2024
In Pakistan, we often adhere to the belief that force is the primary solution for dealing with terrorists, extremists, separatists, insurgents, and even civil unrest, whether it involves political, religious parties, students, or civil society. The prevailing notion is that if force doesn’t achieve the desired outcome, more force should be applied.
In contrast, China’s approach in Xinjiang, where separatism, Pan-Islamism, and Pan-Turkism have been significant issues since 1949, has been to respond with development. When challenges arise, China has chosen to accelerate development further. These two philosophies – force versus development – are starkly opposed and have yielded opposite results.
The insurgencies in Xinjiang, Balochistan, and Pakistan’s erstwhile Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) have distinct historical, ethnic, and geopolitical contexts, yet they share similarities in grievances but differ markedly in the governmental responses.
The narratives of the insurgencies in Xinjiang, Balochistan, and FATA share more similarities than differences.
In Xinjiang, the Uyghur insurgency is driven by claims of cultural and religious repression, economic disenfranchisement, and ethnic discrimination. The insurgents frame their struggle as a fight for cultural survival and autonomy, often invoking the idea of an independent “East Turkestan.”
The Baloch insurgency, while lacking a religious element, is fueled by economic exploitation, particularly in natural resources like gas and minerals, political marginalization, and human rights abuses. As one of Pakistan’s least developed regions, many Balochs feel excluded from their wealth, seeking greater autonomy or independence, citing historical grievances and ongoing exploitation.
In FATA, the insurgency stems from resistance to Pakistan’s military operations, perceived interference in local customs, and the impact of the war on terror. The TTP, in particular, framed its struggle in religious terms, opposing the Pakistani state’s alignment with the US and seeking to impose its version of Sharia law.
When comparing the narratives of these three ethnic groups, the Uyghur and Taliban in FATA share more similarities, particularly in their use of religious connotations to justify their struggles for autonomy or independence. In contrast, the Baloch narrative is distinctive due to its focus on economic and political grievances, without a religious dimension. Consequently, the Baloch narrative may be easier to address or counter compared to the more deeply rooted and ideologically driven narratives of the TTP and Uyghurs.
To counter the Baloch insurgency and integrate the Baloch people into the national mainstream, the government only had to adopt a holistic approach to address the root causes of the conflict, including economic marginalization, political exclusion, and cultural grievances by investing in local development, ensuring fair resource distribution, and enhancing political representation while granting greater administrative autonomy to Balochistan.
On the contrary, the government response to deal with insurgency in Balochistan is normally perceived exactly the opposite. The propaganda war has inculcated the impression albeit without any conclusive evidence that the response of Pakistan’s government included military operations, targeted killings, and enforced disappearances. The media is rife with reports that tens of thousands of people, including insurgents, civilians, and security personnel, have been killed in the ongoing conflict making this conflict one of Pakistan’s deadliest.
Similarly, the response of the Government to erstwhile FATA is perceived as primarily kinetic. Reportedly, the Pakistani government has conducted numerous military operations (e.g., Operation Zarb-e-Azb) to dismantle militant networks. The insurgency and counter-insurgency operations have led to tens of thousands of deaths, including militants, security forces, and civilians. Displacement and destruction of infrastructure have also been significant.
Contrastingly, in Xinjiang, the Chinese government primarily pursued the policy of development which worked like magic. The region has purposefully made a lynchpin of China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). During the 13th Five-Year Plan period (2016-2020), China invested over $100 billion in Xinjiang’s development. Substantial investment has also been made in infrastructure, industry, IT, and modern agriculture, as part of its broader strategy to integrate the region more closely with the rest of the country and to address the underlying economic disparities that contribute to unrest.
Xinjiang now boasts a state-of-the-art modern transportation network, including railways, highways, and airports connecting it to major cities in China and neighbouring countries. Notable projects include the Urumqi-Hami section of the Lanzhou-Xinjiang high-speed railway, which links Xinjiang to the eastern provinces. The total investment in these transportation projects over the years runs into tens of billions of dollars.
The Baloch narrative may be easier to address or counter compared to the more deeply rooted and ideologically driven narratives of the TTP and Uyghurs.
Cities like Urumqi and Kashgar have been developed on ultramodern lines including the construction of modern residential areas, commercial centres, and public facilities and the development of “new towns” to accommodate the growing population and improve living standards.
Xinjiang has become a hub for energy production, particularly in coal, oil, and natural gas. The region is also a significant producer of cotton and textiles, besides adorning industrial parks and zones for petrochemicals and mining, and Kashgar Economic Development Zone and the Urumqi Economic and Technological Development Zone. In addition, IT parks, advanced surveillance technologies, data centres, technology parks, 5G networks, cloud computing, and big data technologies have been developed to attract domestic and foreign investment.
In the agriculture sector, China has introduced modern water management, crop genetics, and mechanization to substantially enhance the yield of cotton, grapes, and melons production, besides setting up large-scale farms, processing plants, and distribution networks.
These investments are part of China’s broader strategy to stabilize the region, boost economic growth, and integrate Xinjiang more closely with the rest of the country and the global economy, particularly through the Belt and Road Initiative.
Contrarily the investments in FATA and Balochistan pale in comparison to the scale of investment made by China in Xinjiang. While China’s investments in Xinjiang have transformed the region’s infrastructure and economy, Pakistan’s investments in FATA and Balochistan are insignificant and are plagued by issues like governance challenges, security concerns, and underutilization of funds no matter how meagre.
China’s investments in Xinjiang are part of a strategic focus on integrating the region into the national economy and the Belt and Road Initiative. In contrast, Pakistan’s investments in FATA and Balochistan have often been reactive, addressing immediate security concerns rather than being part of a long-term strategic vision for regional development.
If we genuinely aim to reintegrate FATA and Balochistan into the national mainstream, we must adopt the Chinese philosophy of development and more development. Without this focus on economic and social progress, the cycle of violence from both the government and insurgents will persist, leaving the regions mired in conflict and instability. Development offers the only sustainable path to peace and inclusion.
Rekindling National Pride and Unity
By: Muhammad Mohsin Iqbal | September 06, 2024
In a world where the significance of neighbors is often underestimated, the presence of a good neighbor can truly be considered a blessing. A good neighbor is the first to come to your aid in times of trouble, and the first to share in your joy during happy occasions. The connection with a neighbor, especially one who stands by you in both good times and bad, is invaluable. This relationship forms the backbone of a supportive and harmonious community.
However, the opposite is equally true. If a neighbor turns a cold shoulder during your moments of joy or abandons you during times of distress, life can quickly feel like a never-ending punishment. Unfortunately, Pakistan has been on the receiving end of such an unfortunate relationship from the moment it came into existence. From the very day of its birth, Pakistan’s neighbor to the east has refused to acknowledge its sovereignty and has continuously harbored hostility.
The strained relationship between Pakistan and its eastern neighbor, India, has defined much of the region’s history. The animosity between the two nations has been a source of tension that has kept the region on edge for decades. It is crucial to note that Pakistan has never initiated these hostilities. From Pakistan’s side, efforts have been made to maintain peace and stability, and even in the face of aggression, Pakistan has strived to keep the temperature down.
September holds a significant place in the hearts of many Pakistanis, especially those from the generation that experienced the 1965 war. This war, fought between Pakistan and India, is remembered with a deep sense of pride and patriotism. It was a time when the entire nation stood united, shoulder to shoulder, ready to defend their homeland against a much larger adversary.
From the very day of its birth, Pakistan’s neighbor to the east has refused to acknowledge its sovereignty and has continuously harbored hostility.
The generation that lived through the 1965 war remembers September 6 as a day of profound national significance. It was once a public holiday, a day marked by special events in schools and communities across the country. Even though it was a holiday, schools would organize programs where children narrated tales of heroism and bravery from the war, recounting the stories their elders had lived through. These stories were a source of inspiration, fostering a sense of unity and national pride.
Sadly, the importance of these days has gradually faded from public consciousness. The events and lessons from the 1965 war are no longer as prominently featured in the educational curriculum, and the day itself is not celebrated with the same fervor it once was. This gradual erosion of historical memory is concerning, as the lessons of the past are crucial for understanding the present and preparing for the future.
Wars are not fought by armies alone; they are fought by nations. A united nation, driven by a common purpose and a shared sense of identity, is a force that no opponent can defeat. In 1965, Pakistan was an ideal example of such a nation. There was an overwhelming sense of unity, a collective will to sacrifice for the greater good, and a readiness to face the enemy in every sphere of life. The spirit of 1965 was one of resilience, courage, and unwavering determination.
The entire nation was mobilized, ready to defend the country from any threat. It was this unity and determination that shattered the dreams of those who sought to undermine Pakistan’s sovereignty. The enemy, who had hoped for an easy victory, was met with a wall of resistance, built not just by the military but by the entire nation.
In the years since 1965, Pakistan has had little time to rest or breathe easy. The country has found itself embroiled in one conflict after another, whether it be regional skirmishes, internal strife, or the global war against terrorism. Pakistan has been a front-line state in this global conflict, often bearing the brunt of the violence and instability that comes with it. While the armed forces of Pakistan remain ever vigilant and prepared to defend the nation, the emotional and psychological toll on the population has been significant.
The spirit that once united the nation in 1965 seems to have waned in the face of relentless challenges. The sentiments of national pride and unity that were so palpable in the past have been overshadowed by fear, uncertainty, and a sense of disillusionment. It is essential to reflect on what has caused this shift and what can be done to reignite the spirit that once burned so brightly in the hearts of Pakistanis.
Reviving the spirit of 1965 is not an impossible task. The blood that runs through our veins is the same as that of those who stood tall in the face of adversity more than five decades ago. The courage, determination, and resilience that defined the nation in 1965 are still within us, waiting to be awakened. It is up to us to rekindle that spirit, to come together as a nation, and once again be ready to defend our homeland with the same unity and resolve.
We must remember that the challenges we face today, though different in nature, are no less significant than those faced in 1965. Whether it is the threat of external aggression, internal instability, or the complex challenges posed by the modern world, the need for national unity and a shared sense of purpose is as crucial now as it was then.
In conclusion, finding a good neighbor is indeed a blessing, but when that blessing is absent, it becomes all the more important for a nation to find strength within itself. Pakistan has faced its share of challenges and has often had to stand alone in the face of adversity. However, the lessons of the past teach us that with unity, determination, and a revived spirit of 1965, no challenge is insurmountable. It is time for us to come together, to remember the sacrifices of those who came before us, and to once again be ready to defend our nation with pride and unwavering resolve.
The significance of Defence Day
By: Abdul Basit Alvi | September 06, 2024
On 6 September 1965, began the Indo-Pakistani War of 1965. Centred largely around the disputed Kashmir region, this conflict represented a pivotal point in Pakistan’s history. Despite significant challenges, Pakistan’s military demonstrated remarkable courage and strategic skill, particularly during key engagements such as the defence of Lahore. The conflict concluded with a UN-mandated ceasefire and was followed by the Tashkent Agreement in January 1966. Defense Day primarily serves to honour the courage and sacrifices of Pakistani soldiers and military personnel during the 1965 war and other significant conflicts. Nationwide ceremonies highlight the heroism of those who defended the nation’s sovereignty. Through tributes such as wreath-laying at war memorials and speeches by military leaders, Pakistan pays tribute to those who died for their country.
Defence Day is a powerful reminder of the importance of national unity. In a diverse nation like Pakistan, it acts as a unifying force, bringing together people from various backgrounds to celebrate their shared identity and collective resilience. Public events, parades, and cultural programmes underscore that national security is a common responsibility, fostering solidarity among citizens.
Additionally, Defense Day serves as a platform for showcasing Pakistan’s defence capabilities. By demonstrating military strength and preparedness, Pakistan emphasizes its commitment to regional stability. Major cities, particularly Islamabad and Lahore, host impressive military parades featuring soldiers, military equipment, and aircraft, attended by high-ranking officials. Various ceremonies honour military personnel, with wreath-laying at war memorials and speeches reflecting on the contributions of the armed forces. Schools, universities, and communities organize educational programmes, debates, and cultural performances to mark the day. These activities emphasize the significance of national defence.
The following day, September 7, is observed annually as Air Force Day. This day commemorates the role and achievements of the PAF, its contributions to national security and its legacy of excellence. Air Force Day not only honours the valour and professionalism of PAF personnel but also underscores the importance of air power. September 7 holds special significance in the context of the 1965 War. During this conflict, the PAF played a vital role in defending the nation against India. On this day, the PAF achieved notable victories, including successful air raids and strategic operations that highlighted its effectiveness and resilience.
A key moment was Operation Grand Slam, where the PAF conducted missions to support ground forces and impede enemy advances. The PAF’s strikes and defensive actions were crucial. The PAF’s capability to carry out effective air defence operations was instrumental in protecting key locations and infrastructure.
Air Force Day ceremonies and events recognize the air force’s achievements and its role in maintaining national security. The day features awards and honours for exceptional service and performance by PAF personnel, reflecting the force’s high standards and commitment. Wreath-laying ceremonies at war memorials and memorial services are conducted to honour those who died for the country..
The following day, September 8, is observed as Navy Day, and is dedicated to honouring the contributions and achievements of the Pakistan Navy, highlighting its crucial role in safeguarding the country’s maritime interests and national security.
These observances honour the services of the armed forces and pay tribute to our martyrs, ensuring that the nation stands united and resolute in defending the country. The days reinforce the nation’s commitment to security and defence, rejecting anti-state elements and false propaganda, and demonstrating unwavering support for the armed forces in addressing both internal and external threats.
During the 1965 War, the Navy undertook strategic operations. A key event was Operation Dwarka, where the Pakistan Navy executed a successful surprise attack on the Indian port of Dwarka. This operation demonstrated the Navy’s ability to carry out impactful maritime operations and strike critical targets. Throughout the war, the Navy played a vital role in securing sea lanes and protecting essential shipping routes, contributing significantly to the overall defence strategy.
Navy Day serves to honour the bravery, dedication, and professionalism of Pakistan Navy personnel. It features ceremonies and awards that recognize the exceptional service and valor of Navy personnel. Wreath-laying ceremonies at naval memorials and memorial services pay tribute to those who died for the country.
Navy Day also provides a platform to showcase advancements in naval technology and the capabilities of the Pakistan Navy. It often includes displays of modern naval vessels, equipment, and technologies. Major events feature the display of naval ships, submarines, and aircraft, highlighting the Navy’s technological prowess and operational readiness.
Navy Day fosters national pride by celebrating the Navy’s achievements and contributions. Activities such as naval parades, open houses, and educational programmes engage the public and promote awareness of the Navy’s role and responsibilities. These activities strengthen the bond between the military and the civilian population, fostering a greater sense of patriotism.
Navy Day emphasizes the importance of supporting the armed forces and acknowledging their role in national security. It also inspires young people to explore careers in the naval and maritime fields. Educational programmes, outreach efforts, and exhibitions offer a glimpse into the lives and duties of Navy personnel, motivating the next generation to pursue careers in defence and related areas.
Schools and community organizations engage in programmes that highlight career opportunities within the Navy and the broader maritime industry, helping to spark interest in professions that contribute to national security and defence. Major cities, especially Karachi, host naval parades and fleet reviews that showcase ships and submarines. These events are attended by high-ranking military and government officials. The day also includes wreath-laying ceremonies, memorial services, and official speeches honouring the contributions of Navy personnel. Senior officials deliver speeches reflecting on the Navy’s crucial role in national security. Public events, such as open houses at naval bases, exhibitions, and educational programs, provide insight into the Navy’s operations and capabilities, engaging the community and enhancing awareness of its contributions.
The Indo-Pakistani War of 1965 was a defining conflict in South Asia, characterized by intense battles and significant sacrifices. As Pakistan reflects on its military history, the bravery and heroism of its martyrs from the Army, Navy, and Air Force are particularly notable. These individuals made supreme sacrifices during one of the nation’s most challenging periods.
Among the many heroes, Major Raja Aziz Bhatti stands out as a distinguished officer of the Pakistan Army. Commanding the 16 Punjab Regiment, Major Bhatti played a pivotal role in defending the Lahore sector, particularly the strategically crucial area of Chawinda, which was heavily targeted by Indian forces. Despite being outnumbered, his leadership and bravery earned him posthumous recognition. Major Bhatti was martyred on September 12, during intense combat and was awarded the Nishan-e-Haider.
Another prominent figure was Lt Col Syed Ahmad Sultan, who commanded 8 FF. Known for his exceptional leadership and strategic acumen, Colonel Sultan played a crucial role in repelling enemy advances and securing vital positions. He made the ultimate sacrifice on September 10, in the battle for Chawinda and was posthumously honoured with the Sitara-e-Jurat.
Lt Cdr Wasim Akram was involved in several significant naval operations and was known for his tactical expertise. Lieutenant Commander Akram played a crucial role in Operation Dwarka, which successfully targeted the Indian port city. His contributions were instrumental in the Navy’s operational success. He was killed in action while leading operations against enemy naval forces. His heroism and contributions were honoured posthumously, and he is remembered as a symbol of naval bravery.
Lt Cdr Muhammad Ahsan, another distinguished officer of the Pakistan Navy, played a crucial role in the war . He was martyred on September 7, 1965, during an intense naval battle. His sacrifice stands as a powerful testament to the courage and professionalism of the Pakistan Navy.
Flt Lt Sahabzada Yaqub Khan was renowned for his exceptional flying skills and leadership. During the 1965 War, he participated in numerous air combat missions, demonstrating remarkable bravery. His aerial engagements played a vital role in defending Pakistani airspace. Flight Lieutenant Khan was martyred on September 6, during a combat mission and was posthumously awarded the Sitara-e-Jurat.
Sqn Ldr Muhammad Mahmood Alam is celebrated as one of Pakistan’s most acclaimed air aces from the 1965 War. His legendary achievements include shooting down five Indian aircraft in a single day, September 7— a feat that brought him national and international recognition. His skill and bravery were crucial in the air battles over Kashmir. Squadron Leader Alam’s contributions were honoured with the Sitara-e-Jurat.
Defence, Air Force, and Navy Days in Pakistan are not just commemorations of historical events but serve as powerful reminders of the collective responsibilities and values that sustain national security and unity. These days highlight Pakistan’s resilience and military strength during the 1965 War, and their significance goes beyond historical reflection. They call for a unified response from the nation, emphasizing the need for solidarity, awareness, and active participation in maintaining national security.
These observances honour the services of the armed forces and pay tribute to our martyrs, ensuring that the nation stands united and resolute in defending the country. The days reinforce the nation’s commitment to security and defence, rejecting anti-state elements and false propaganda, and demonstrating unwavering support for the armed forces in addressing both internal and external threats.
Defence Day and our national obligations
By: Dr Muhammad Khan | September 06, 2024
THE resilient Pakistani nation celebrates Defence Day on 6 September each year with new and enhanced dynamism and fervour. On this day, the great Pakistani nation pays tribute to the martyrs of 1965 war and those who laid their lives for the defence of our motherland. The military formations and services headquarters organize ceremonies paying rich tribute to the national heroes, especially those who lost their lives while combating and countering Indian aggression against Pakistan along international border as well as all along the ceasefire line. In the history of Pakistan, this day is significant because of the unmatched defence of Pakistan, rendered by its defence forces and masses starting from September 6, 1965, once India suddenly attacked Pakistan without any early warning with ulterior motives of undoing it. The national level celebration of the Defence Day aims at: remembering and recalling the brave soldiers of September war, paying rich tribute to the martyrs of this war, infusing the spirit of sacrifice among the Pakistani youth and simulating the picture of future battlefield. Indeed, the future battlefield is intractable, intricate and imperceptible hence requires prudence and a lot of mental appreciation to be the victor.
Going into history, it was September 6, 1965, once the Indian Army launched its offensive against Pakistan while crossing the international border without any warning and formal declaration of war. This Indian attack was an ‘utter violation of International Law, Charter of the United Nations and norms of civilized behaviour among nation states’. Indeed, India arrogantly swept aside her international commitments in her desire to subjugate the region’. This Indian aggression towards the regional countries and even outside the region is a continual process. Indeed, Indian leadership of that time considered Pakistan as a tiny state with very small sized defence forces, thus it could be defeated by the gigantic military might of India. But, things proved otherwise once the armed forces of Pakistan repulsed its offensive in all sectors with befitting response. As per the memories of General (Retd) Sardar FS Lodi, on September 6, 1965, ‘Indian attack on Lahore was held and beaten back with heavy losses to the Indian Army. The Pakistan Army units defending on the ground, supported by the Pakistan Air Force were able to blunt the Indian offensive and roll it back’.
After the humiliating defeat at Lahore sector on September 8, 1965, India launched its main attack against Sialkot using its armoured division and strike formations. It was the biggest tank battle since World War-II. In fact, ‘It was a hard and bitter struggle fought over many days and night’s resulting in casualties on both sides. Finally, the main attack by India was repulsed with heavy losses to its armour formations and hundreds of soldiers and officers. South of Lahore, Pakistan launched its own counter attack and captured India’s Khem Karan and beyond. This posed a serious threat to the rear of Indian troops facing Lahore. The superior military strategy of Pakistan and bravery of its men and officers indeed threatened Indian positions all along the international border. In the South sector, Pakistan took the initiative to push back Indian troops and entered Indian Territory. During the operations India captured about 400 square miles of Pakistani territory but lost around 1600 square miles of its own to Pakistan.
The war ended with the mediation effort of the (former) Soviet Union through the Tashkent Agreement in 1966. The hallmark of the 1965 war was that every citizen of Pakistan was solidly united behind the Pakistani military. The national priorities were clear and unambiguous in those days. The leadership was absolutely clear to defend the national interests, state’s sovereignty, integrity and national pride. Owing to war against terrorism, the Pakistani nation and its defence forces have passed through a phase of very difficult time in the last two decades. It was a very difficult war against terrorism and extremism which is still not over. Though foreign forces (NATO and US) left Afghanistan in August 2021, yet Pakistan is facing very severe militancy from Afghan soil through TTP and other terrorist groups. Last two decades marked the beginning of a new and renewed pledge to uphold the national esteem and to defend the motherland at all costs. Today, Pakistan is facing non-traditional warfare, indeed, the 5th generation warfare in the form of terrorism, extremism, media exploitation and changing perception. This non-kinetic warfare imposed on Pakistan has enabled our defence forces to learn the new techniques to counter all those. The nation is fighting this unending war with great courage and enthusiasm.
Owing to international and regional conspiracies, Pakistan still faces a lot of problems at all levels: domestic, regional and international. In fact, the conspiring forces are slowly and gradually penetrating into our society and causing misperception and deviation from the basic concept of ideology, integration and national cohesion. Resultantly, as a nation we are forgetting the golden principle of: Unity, Faith and Discipline. Today in September 2024, Pakistani masses need national integration and cohesion among the larger Pakistani society for a better and secure future for every Pakistani.
On this Day, let’s have a renewed pledge to make Pakistan impregnable, secure, stable and prosperous. The defence forces of Pakistan have played their part by physically defeating the terrorism and militancy from all over Pakistan. Now it is the responsibility of our political government, media, academic institutions and civil society to counter the narratives which create radicalization and promote disharmony on the basis of ethnicity, sectarianism and sub nationalism. Let’s revive the spirit of September 6, 1965 once the Pakistani nation stood behind its defence forces to defeat the Indian aggression against Pakistan. Let’s not be carried away by the propaganda campaign of our foes and stand united to protect Pakistan internally as well as externally.